Sentences with phrase «liberals states as»

Not exact matches

This is, in a nutshell, McConnell's case for reelection: that as Kentucky's heavyweight in Washington, he'll thwart the assault liberals are waging not just on the health care system and the coal industry but, more broadly, on the state's way of life.

The loss of that clause, which liberals had seen as a crowning achievement of the Civil Rights movement, makes it easier for states to adopt voting laws that can have an adverse impact on minority voters.

Critics also charge that Gillibrand emphasized more centrist positions as a congresswoman from a somewhat conservative district than she does as a senator from a liberal state.

Earlier this week, Clinton spoke out against the Trans - Pacific Partnership, the 12 - nation trade pact that she boosted as secretary of state and that liberals in the Democratic Party have vehemently opposed.

Liberals, as part of privatizing push, gave a $ 324 million contract to a firm with a history of controversy in five states.

Conservative opposition leader Andrew Scheer stated that the Prime Minister's «arrogance is astounding» on this issue, taking aim at the Liberal leader Monday morning as Parliament resumed for the fall session.

We are witnessing an assault by the national security state and its liberal media on a President of the United States that is unprecedented... What we are witnessing is the determination of the national security state to keep their prized «Russian Threat» in its assigned role as the Number One Threat to the US.

As President Donald Trump's recent $ 60 billion - a-year trade tariffs against China have made abundantly clear, there has been growing discontent in the United States with Beijing's failure to conform to liberal economic and democratic norms.

Those seeking church positions are often regarded as too liberal theologically or lacking the ascetical formation emphasized by church seminaries; graduates of departments such as sociology find that employers often prefer students of state universities whose training has been entirely secular.

In fact, the Blaine Amendments are among the clearest examples in the nation's history of a state establishment of religion — and the only reason they have not been recognized as such is that they establish a theologically liberal vision of religion.

The other theme, regularly expressed by those on the right in our politics, is to blame everything on the failures of «Great Society liberals,» to chalk the situation up to the follies of big government and big spending, to see the problem as the legacy of a tragically misconceived welfare state.

There Anti-Christian Liberal, we'll do exactly as you say, after all, this is what the anti-christian president of THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA WANTS.

A true aristocrat, he bitterly opposed state absolutism, without necessarily embracing liberal democracy as the alternative.

And insofar as truth remains relevant to the efforts of the liberal state to resolve these contests, it reduces truth itself to what can be known through the empirical or quasi-empirical sciences.

Capitalist states and private corporates stoop to conquer markets and liberal access and incarnate as global Frankinstein's monsters.

But insofar as liberal freedom is atomistic and precludes the claim of others on the property that is my person, the state tasked with securing this liberty will exist to protect me from God's commandments, the demands of other persons, so - called intermediary institutions, and, ultimately, even nature itself.

Within twenty years [of 1874] the threat of evolution and the kind of biblical criticism and liberal theology it and other concomitant trends were seen as empowering had reached such a pitch that a series of Bible Conferences of Conservative Protestants were held at various sites in the United States.

Sane people can disagree about whether there ought to be a right to privacy, i.e., about whether it is logically a natural right and if so perhaps ought to be put into the Constitution via amendment, or about whether we (usually at state - level) should pass particular laws, such as ones that legalize gay - marriage, that factually expand what might be called privacy, but no sane U.S. Citizen, gay, straight, liberal, or conservative, should be left ignorant about the Constitution - wounding judicial usurpations done in the name of this right, more of which are planned to be done soon enough.

Assuming these traits are fundamental to the American political mind, most political theorists see this as reflecting the classical liberal mind — distinct from the «modern liberal» view which accepts the legitimacy of the welfare state — not a conservative mind.

How is it possible that while the sitting president of the United States squarely opposed same - sex marriage just a few years ago, the liberal intellectuals who supported him passionately also condemn any opposition to same - sex marriage as bigotry, rooted in cultural backwardness?

Novak identifies the United States as a liberal society in the process of maturing, and proposes that the liberty of this society has and always will be dependent upon vigilance of mind with regard to such concerns as free speech, terrorism, and freedom of the press.

The inability of the Gallicanist state to co-opt Catholicism's social energy exposed a tension inherent in liberal democracy: between the people empowered as a sovereign whole, on one hand, and those partial societies of individuals which diversify the nation, on the other.

Before considering these three points I will state, as fairly as I can in a few sentences, what seem to be the most common reasons for questioning the survivability of liberal Protestantism.

So it is that sympathetic readers may come to deeply melancholy conclusions as to the state of liberal Protestantism after reading Peter Berger's engaging brief for it in A Far Glory.

Roe became so quickly institutionalized because it reflects a philosophy held by many in our society (whether «liberal» or «conservative») that the greatest right is the right to privacy and that the power of the state must regard itself as a means thereto.

Having endured for half a century a Court that seized authority not confided to it to lay down as unalterable law a liberal social agenda nowhere to be found in the actual Constitution of the United States, conservatives must decide whether they want a Court that behaves in the same way but in the service of their agenda.

There is the likelihood, moreover, as Ahlstrom concludes in his massive religious history of the American people, that by the 1970s «Americans, whether conservative, liberal, or radical, found it increasingly difficult to believe that the United States was still a beacon and blessing to the world.

It is almost as if the liberal establishment have been in a state of denial about John Paul's teaching.

Needless to say, he was prescient in this regard, and his advice seems just as relevant as ever, with the rise to power of a very liberal American president who has wrought unprecedented tensions and created feelings of unprecedented distance between the United States and the state of Israel.

As I stated earlier, liberal Christianity is a middle road between Christ and culture in that it seeks to understand culture, not remove itself from modern science or the arts.

Jeffrey Goldberg, the Atlantic's national correspondent, tries hard to summon up enough liberal outrage to challenge the conclusion of Israeli historian Benny Morris that a two - state solution is as unrealistic as the overtly utopian one - state solution to the Palestinian problem.

Sherman Jackson is an influential voice in the Muslim American community, and his endorsement of liberal - pluralist constitutionalism resists Islamic extremism that poses as religious integrity and helps Muslims in the United States to affirm our way of life, which their natural sympathies incline them to do.

In Response to Critics Some conservative critics of the mediating institutions argument, I should note as an aside, complain that it, too, falls into the ideologically liberal trap of defining society in terms of only two entities, the state and the solitary individual, with mediating institutions being a fragile buffer between them.

As an Austinite (the liberal, free thinking, live and let live — even you conservatives we all don't agree with bastion of the state), I am queasy just reading this.

Well, I agree in concept, except the liberal believers tend not to want to codify religious beliefs into law, being as they understand the difference between church and state.

While it is true that classical musicians in general may be as «reflexively liberal» as any group of people in the United States, the fact is that there are many of us who are not.

Stimulated by a question as to the limits of the jurisdiction of the state, put by Dalberg, the great liberal prince - elector of Mayence, Humboldt wrote down his thoughts on this subject (1791).

how about the proof of the life of Jesus — this has monumental historical proof — even liberal atheists state that the fact of Jesus» life is as sure as anything historical ever can be

In an admirable display of philosophical consistency and logic, the Obama administration thus implicitly and effectively endorsed the Hobbesian liberal ontology that there ought exist only individuals and the state» all other competitors are to be regarded as oppressors, and require an expansive and empowered government for individual liberation.

Liberals are right when they insist that regarding the poor as the equals of all other citizens is essential to the incorporation of a viable welfare state within a robust democracy.

As it has been absorbed by liberalism, this victimhood argument is meant to put some steel in the liberals» appeal to compassion as a rationale for paying for the welfare statAs it has been absorbed by liberalism, this victimhood argument is meant to put some steel in the liberals» appeal to compassion as a rationale for paying for the welfare statas a rationale for paying for the welfare state.

This American ideal for education was institutionalized in the Morrill Land Grant Act of 1862, encouraging the state schools oriented toward agricultural and technical education that developed as alternatives to the liberal arts colleges.

His work in founding the communitarian movement in 1977 came not because he thought he had changed but because he thought the United States was abandoning its commitment to families and all the voluntary associations that Tocqueville observed as a defining part of a liberal republic.

And for those of you who question «Romneycare», you need to realize that he was the Governor of Massachusetts, the most liberal state in the country, and MA viewed universal health care as right for itself.

The state as a school of virtue is the last thing a liberal regime conceives itself to be.

George treats most severely the «anti-perfectionist» liberals - including Dworkin, Rawls, and David Richards - who contend that the state should, so far as possible, establish laws without reference to controversial views about the best human life.

Thirty - two Muslim essayists affirm conventional Western liberal doctrines such as the separation of church and state, the equal rights of women, and freedom of thought and speech.

Childs describes the biblical theology movement as a peculiarly American phenomenon which, though it owed something to European neo-orthodoxy, was also considerably influenced by the fundamentalist - liberal controversy in the United States.

This approach of balanced criticism of both liberal capitalism and state socialism in their actual manifestations and practices may well inhibit decisive Christian action in some parts of Latin America, as Moltmann's critics imply.

Moreover, Berlin's essay defended the liberal democratic project in such a way as to reinforce the liberal anti-Communist consensus that historians still associate with men such as President Harry Truman, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, and Senators Hubert H. Humphrey and Henry M. Jackson.