Some — although certainly not most —
liberation theologians do jump to this radical conclusion.
The liberation theologian does not first work out questions of the nature of God and Christ and the church in one context, such as that of the academic community, and then apply these answers to the social situation.
Not exact matches
This
does not mean that when we follow
liberation theologians in the turn to praxis, our method will be exactly the same as theirs.
Similarly, the quite different issues raised by feminists properly have a priority for us that they
do not yet have for most
liberation theologians.
Indeed, I believe that those few
liberation theologians who have seriously studied process theology have profited from
doing so.
Although Brown
does not uncritically agree with everything said by
theologians of
liberation, he presents his form of process theology more as a supplementation and conceptual grounding of their insights than as expressing a different understanding of the theological task.
But what makes today's left so sure that economic justice and sexual
liberation coincide in the way, say, that truth, beauty, and goodness
do in the schemes of
theologians?
This failure can be illustrated with the same example, for although Marxists on the whole have been less sexist in their attitudes than have psychoanalysts, they appear only a little less deficient when viewed in the light of contemporary feminist consciousness.37 Or, again, use of Marxist sociology by Latin American
theologians of
liberation has
done little to free them from implicit anti-Judaism in their theological formulations.
One of the premier
liberation theologians, Juan Luis Segundo, has said that «Latin American theology has been mainly interested in going back to the primitive circumstances where, in the proximity of Jesus of Nazareth, Christians began to
do theology.»
In the question - answer session that followed the lecture, Pannenberg called on Christian
theologians to follow the lead of the early church fathers and offer a more creative approach to the task of
doing theology in the face of the world's injustices than that found in Marxist - oriented
liberation theologies.
Ogden, Cobb, and Griffin all at least implicitly criticize many of the «
liberation theologians» for failing to
do this (FF 34, PTT 95).
But my claim about the importance of race for theology in America
does not depend on one being a black
liberation theologian.
If he had
done so, perhaps American white
theologians would not have ignored the black freedom struggle and would have been less hostile toward the rise of black
liberation theology.
Again, in 1984, when Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, with the pope's approval, issued his critique of
liberation theology, most Latin American
theologians sidestepped it by saying that what Ratzinger was describing was not
liberation theology but a caricature, and hence his criticisms
did not apply to them or their colleagues.
Most
liberation theologians have more work to
do if they are to make clear that this exercise of the divine freedom, too, can never be theologically identical with any particular political claim.
All this has left the
liberation theologians with two separate and equally serious analytical problems, one having to
do with economics and one having to
do with politics.
In 1978 he wrote about Christ Without Myth: «The newer theological developments of the past decade, especially the emergence of the various
theologians of
liberation, compelled the conclusion that the most urgent theological problem today, at any rate for the vast number of persons who still
do not share in the benefits of modernity, is a problem more of action and justice than of belief and truth.
All of the thoughts on this blog are mine, and I don't intend to speak for any other Lutherans or
Liberation Theologians.
All of the thoughts on this blog are mine, and I don't intend to speak for any other Lutherans or
Liberation Theologians.