Sentences with phrase «makes socialism»

Led by Arnold Harberger (who spoke Spanish and had married a Chilean), the Chicago Boys set out to make socialism irreversible by selling off as many state enterprises as possible.
With his peculiar combination of home made socialism, populist nationalism and impulsive despotism, you never can tell what the next brilliant idea will be.

Not exact matches

Every argument that you'd make against socialism you can make against socialized healthcare, and any candidate who isn't 100 percent committed to scrapping Obamacare is not someone America should elect president.»
Again, the main motive isn't to implant socialism, but to make profits.
«By making China prosperous and developed, socialism with Chinese characteristics proves Marx's prediction.»
Yeah, it makes me feel better denouncing baptist cause of my family's involvement with the KKK to become a catholic and the hate by socialism and such from conservative uncompassionant individuals on the moral question of social justice issues.
Unlike Marx and others who tried to turn socialism into a science and thought they knew what would happen, Rorty's religion is radically open to, adamantly insistent upon, the new — making possible a life of «pure, joyous hope.»
«It's sad because this Pope makes it very clear he doesn't know what he's talking about when it comes to capitalism and socialism and so forth,» Limbaugh said.
In many respects, democratic socialism was and is close to Catholic social doctrine and has in any case made a remarkable contribution to the formation of a social consciousness.
But such arguments make little headway with socialists, says Novak, because, contrary to appearances, socialism is not really a practical political proposal at all.
Down through the socialist tradition, the argument repeatedly has been made that capitalism results in gross inequities, and that socialism can do away with such foolishness.
The virtue of socialism, it is argued, is that it does away with such irresponsible authority, and forces those who make economic policy to appeal to the electorate and to justify their decisions in terms of the public good.
Admittedly, socialism does make a strong moral appeal, and in the past this appeal has often been associated with a heavy dose of secularism.
With a number of fellow pastors who became lifelong friends, Rauschenbusch studied, read, talked, debated and plumbed the new social theories of the day, especially those of the non-Marxist socialists whom John C. Cort has recently traced in Christian Socialism (Orbis, 1988) The pastors wove these theories together with biblical themes to form» «Christian Sociology,» a hermeneutic of social history that allowed them to see the power of God's kingdom being actualized through the democratization of the economic system (see James T. Johnson, editor, The Bible in American Law, Politics and Rhetoric [Scholars Press, 1985]-RRB- They pledged themselves to new efforts to make the spirit of Christianity the core of social renewal at a time when agricultural - village life was breaking down and urban - cosmopolitan patterns were not yet fully formed.
Both communism and National Socialism claimed many of the prerogatives of religion and made many of the same promises — from the creation of a «new man» to the fulfillment of many of the communitarian ideals found in religion.
By the end of her long domination of British politics things had changed dramatically, and Tony Blair, who explicitly repudiated the long - term Labour commitment to socialism, made no efforts to turn back the clock.
And for that reason, one is indeed on trembling ground when one tries to make him some sort of prophet, whether it be for disbelief in a personal god, belief in some sort of non-personal god or in favor of socialism, which he supported but may not have understood any better than he did the street grid in Princeton.
With the advent of National Socialism the official philosophical and racial teachings of the Third Reich, prepared by its ideological forerunners, began to make themselves felt in all disciplines concerned with the study of religion and of society.
To repeat: a cursory look at the nations of the world makes it clear that the important differences in social responsibility and freedom are between the democratic types (of both capitalist and socialist economic system) and the despotic types, not between capitalism and socialism as such.
«It's sad because this pope makes it very clear he doesn't know what he's talking about when it comes to capitalism and socialism and so forth.»
Buber's inquiries represent, in my opinion, the most important contribution that has been made in many years to the question of socialism.
'' «It's sad because this pope makes it very clear he doesn't know what he's talking about when it comes to capitalism and socialism...»
Nevertheless, in spite of the great advances made by workers and in spite of having seen that socialism can not offer them a worker's utopia or even an alternative to working for someone else, we must take note that there are still a couple of very troubling aspects to the division between owners and workers.
Three hundred years after its appearance Christianity was the recognized state religion in the Roman World Empire, and in barely sixty years socialism has won itself a position which makes its victory absolutely certain.17
It will be a theology that has made a certain measure of peace with Marxist socialism as it is developing in China.
It was the Hebrew prophets who first made the break with the myth of origin, and socialism itself can be defined as «prophetism on the soil of an autonomous, self - sufficient world.»
He saw the conflict in contemporary socialism and its immobility in the face of the crises that confronted it — e.g., its inability to make decisive use of the means of power for its own protection and that of Weimar democracy as such — as due to its overdependence on bourgeois presuppositions.
Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev has followed his earlier initiatives in reducing nuclear weapons by making two announcements of momentous import: economically, socialism does not work, and politically, democracy is the road to the future.
Second, one might view this as a post-socialist era for theoretical reasons: Given the historical record of socialism in this century, one can say with some assurance that all the claims made for it have been decisively falsified» be it in terms of economic performance, of political liberation, of social equality, or of the quality of life.
This upended the widespread assumption (one I made, along with so many others) that capitalism may produce more wealth, but socialism is the morally superior system.
Unmoved by the practical efficiency of capitalism as compared to socialism, Michael focused on the moral contributions a free economy makes to a good society.
What I was making attempts toward elaborating upon is the ways in which socialisms are being held in check by televised séances of a conjuring manner wherein many noted hierarchies of socialist dissertations might just inflame their followers toward mass riots... this said, I can submit and admit that socialized justifications for warranted civilities become immorally the bargaining assets of the cultured races hiring ways... Maybe I am but a fruitcake...
Naturally, his followers, or at least many of them, failed in making any sense out of his remarks about the genesis of scientific socialism out of German philosophy.
The assumption, sometimes tacitly made, that socialism is the alternative to capitalism, should be re-examined through a critique of both.
It is these circumstances that make understandable the emergence of socialism as a major force in Italy.
The question remains, however, whether any form of socialism can be made to work economically.
Reading the diaries of Dietrich von Hildebrand from the late 1920s and early 1930s, I was powerfully struck by how the disdain of continental European Christian intellectuals for the messy pluralism of liberal democracy made too many of those thinkers vulnerable to the siren songs of the monism proposed by German National Socialism and Italian fascism.
He would not twist the data to make things come out favorably for socialism, although he obviously saw the data through glasses ground on socialist theory.
National Socialism especially, as the Hungarian Catholic philosopher Aurel Kolnai wrote in 1950, sought to negate «Christian civilization as such,» scripting a dark epiphany in which man «wrenched himself free from Christianity and construed the automatic workings of his fallen nature into a mirage of self «made heaven.»
Certainly, no experiments being tried with socialism make it look in the least alluring.
It is a failure of confidence in socialism that those on the left simply can not stand it when people publicly reject the socialist sheep - mould you've been so busy making for them.
I don't think there was one true version of socialism, and the gradual shift in agenda began rather earlier, and from 1983 - 92 made a lot of sense.
@blip - No, being not exposed to life under socialism tends to make people more liberal in their perspectives.
Finally you link the New Economic Policy which has almost 100 years (not 6) and make no mention whatsoever to Dubček program called «Socialism with a human face» which had very specific features (latter influencing Gorbachev).
Italian Fascism and National Socialism were secular and collectivism does not communism make.
It's true that, in Britain, the post-war welfare state and mixed economy were pre-figured by the «war socialism» of the Churchill coalition, and by the commitments to full employment, to a nation - wide system of compulsory social insurance and (less precisely) to a national health service made by the parties to the coalition.
The political crisis is over keeping Maduro and socialism, or getting new leaders who will make painful choices to correct the problem
It used to be a nationalised company (gaz de france), currently undergoing a «privatization» (make its ownership private little by little, state ownership is apparently a bad thing coming from socialism).
This is greatly exacerbated in the US, which shows a weird mix of misunderstanding and political posturing... we've already got an answer claiming all socialism is communism (same people that use «liberal» as a curseword), which makes a pretty good example for this.
This is because the very nature of national socialism makes its adherents consider themselves (and with that their race / nationality) superior in all regards to everyone else.
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