Sentences with phrase «many liberation theologians»

Yet Benedict was suspicious of liberation theologians because some aligned themselves with political movements that sought to overthrow repressive governments in Latin America, other historians say.

«Although they [liberation theologians] talked about the option for the poor, the poor ultimately opted for Pentecostalism,» Ramirez says.

«Liberation theologians are comfortable working with government and political parties on the left while Benedict is more comfortable remaining neutral,» Luzarraga says.

His 1948 book was indeed moderate by comparison with the enthusiastic Marxism of the liberation theologians who were to come.

Novak leaves the reader with the impression that Latin America's devastating poverty is the result of the «misbegotten form of social analysis» employed by the liberation theologians.

As such, Walker's central challenge to process thought becomes his own theological struggle for coherence in a metaphysical scheme that denies what he affirms as fundamental to a black liberation theologian, i.e., that the most inclusive concept of God is the God of the oppressed.

The church of the liberation theologians: José Míguez Bonino, Juan Segundo, Gustavo Gutiérrez and the rest — the church of the poor and the dispossessed.

The theology of the fourth church is, of course, being formulated by the liberation theologians of the southern continent — José Míguez Bonino, Juan Segundo.

Walker the black liberation theologian must disagree.

Walker's efforts are based on his belief that Hartshorne's principles are entirely consistent with the agenda of black and liberation theologians.

Walker's vision as an African American liberation theologian gives his essay its strength, and tears asunder his harmonious vision of Hartshornean idealism.

Under the influence of the recent varieties of liberation theologies we are learning to appreciate this way of theologizing, and some of the more creative work in the interpretation of Wesley and the Wesleyan tradition has drawn on correlations of theological method with the liberation theologians.

This does not mean that when we follow liberation theologians in the turn to praxis, our method will be exactly the same as theirs.

Collaborative and complementary work by process theologians and liberation theologians can contribute to the realization of South American Indian social justice.

Occasionally liberation theologians suggest that injustice is a function of capitalism and would be overcome more or less automatically in a socialist society.

The liberation theologian does not first work out questions of the nature of God and Christ and the church in one context, such as that of the academic community, and then apply these answers to the social situation.

Similarly, the quite different issues raised by feminists properly have a priority for us that they do not yet have for most liberation theologians.

In alliance with liberation theologians and other concerned Christians, they have had some success.

Indeed, I believe that those few liberation theologians who have seriously studied process theology have profited from doing so.

It may be even more difficult for liberation theologians to admit that there are values in the perspective of the oppressor when they see so clearly the marks of interest in the structures of society the oppressor has organized and in the ideology by which these are justified.

The liberation theologians see that stance as too detached from the real choices, at least in Latin America.

The question now is whether there is any point of contact on the side of liberation theology for the concerns of process theologians in areas to which liberation theologians have paid less attention.

I am not saying that one person can not be both a liberation theologian and a process theologian.

I see no problem for one whose social location is close to the poor to be a liberation theologian who appropriates the basic categories of process thought.

There is nothing in the social location of liberation theologians to prevent this.

Even in Latin America we suspect that there is an indigenous perspective that comes closer to ours than to that of many liberation theologians.

The first three sections of this paper have illustrated this, indicating the changes needed on the side of process theology as it responds to the truth of what liberation theologians are saying.

But the question I am asking is how North American theologians can appropriately respond when they acknowledge the truth, and the critical importance, of what they hear from liberation theologians.

And we North Americans should not claim to be liberation theologians in the Latin American mold.

The insistence on the value of other creatures seems to many liberation theologians to be an effort to impose on poor people unnecessary limits to the way they go about meeting their urgent needs.

Here we must humbly learn from liberation theologians.

Whatever is said in justification of the practice of process theologians in the past, however, it must also be recognized that in the encounter with liberation theologians we are called to repent.

I believe there is, and I think that liberation theologians are becoming aware of this.

Process theologians can hardly read the writings of liberation theologians without being pleased to see that many of their emphases are highly congenial.

But liberation theologians are among those who have most effectively warned us against such a view.

Throughout, he interacts appreciatively with the theologians of hope and liberation, especially Jurgen Moltmann and the Latin American liberation theologians.

Feminist and liberation theologians have questioned the new orthodoxy's valorization of divine helplessness, expressing concern over whether the emphasis on God sharing our abuse and death may underwrite our own passive acquiescence to violence.

You can check out every installment of our interview series — which includes «Ask an atheist,» «Ask a nun,» «Ask a pacifist,» «Ask a Calvinist,» «Ask a Muslim,» «Ask a gay Christian,» «Ask a Pentecostal» «Ask an environmentalist,» «Ask a funeral director,» «Ask a Liberation Theologian,» «Ask Shane Claiborne,» «Ask Jennifer Knapp,» and many mor — here.

You can check out every installment of our interview series — which includes «Ask an atheist,» «Ask a nun,» «Ask a pacifist,» «Ask a Calvinist,» «Ask a Muslim,» «Ask a gay Christian,» «Ask a Pentecostal» «Ask an environmentalist,» «Ask a funeral director,» «Ask a Liberation Theologian,» «Ask Shane Claiborne,» «Ask Jennifer Knapp,» and many more — here.

This has happened especially among Latin American liberation theologians, who have worked out the full gamut of Christian doctrines in a way that can lay claim to being a continuation and transformation of the whole tradition.

For liberation theologians, speaking out on behalf of the disempowered is Christ - like.

As expected, scholar and activist Monica Coleman responded to your questions for «Ask a Liberation Theologian» with insight and grace.

There are some liberation theologians who consider reconciliation between oppressed and oppressor («forgiveness of sins») to be part of a vision of liberation.

I am a process theologian and a liberation theologian.

I'm actually glad about it because it gave liberation theologians an opportunity to share about liberation theology in a more public way.

In contrast, traditional Catholic churches serve vast numbers of people who have little or nothing in common, and they are often impersonal «supermarkets for the sacraments,» as some liberation theologians call them.

Sigmund overlooks the way Gustavo Gutiérrez and other liberation theologians themselves qualified their relation to Marxism and to revolution, even in the early days.

He insists that even those who urge liberation theologians to take capitalism more seriously need to acknowledge that the realities of politics and markets often choke democratic capitalism.

Through a series of brief questions at the end of his book, Sigmund invites liberation theologians to seek ways of fusing capitalist market «efficiency» with the «preferential love for the poor,» to consider how private property is not always oppression but may in fact free people from it, to develop liberalism's ideal of «equal treatment under the law,» to nurture the «fragile new democracies» in Latin America, and, finally, to develop «a spirituality of socially concerned democracy, whether capitalist or socialist in its economic form,» rather than «denouncing dependency, imperialism, and capitalist exploitation.»

In a chapter devoted to Chile in the early 1970s, Sigmund argues that liberation theologians there became too enthusiastic about political revolution in a socialist mode, but he gives little if any attention to U.S. political involvements.