Sentences with phrase «many liberationists»

These range from the authoritarian «prohibitionists,» who consider homosexuality an abomination warranting legal punishment, to the anarchistic «liberationists,» who reject the very distinction between homosexuality and heterosexuality as merely semantics.

And of course Marxian analysis took on renewed life» if, most often, in crudely vulgar forms» in the various liberationist struggles of the 1960s and 1970s, most notably in the anti-Vietnam War movement.

Even Sullivan's chapter on «The Liberationists» does not include those we have come to associate with that term (the strident gay - rights activists or flamboyant gay liberationists) but focuses instead on a ragtag group of theoreticians influenced by French philosophy.

As everywhere else in liberal Protestantism, its central headquarters is staffed by modish theological bureaucrats in thrall to the latest liberationist, feminist, and multiculturalist whims.

These communities are both the context of theological reflection and microcosms of the liberationists» vision for Latin America.

This not only exaggerates the influence of the liberationists on Latin American economic policy, it obscures the impact of five centuries of colonial / imperial domination....

He came away from the experience disillusioned, concluding that with its drift away from orthodoxy and its increasing preoccupation with liberationist, feminist, postmodern, and post-Christian themes, «liberal Protestant theology had come to a dead end.»

He can support Wesleyan liberationists and free them from their tendency to self - pity, divided loyalty, and fragmentation.

They are, I believe, open to evangelicals, liberals, and liberationists.

A liberationist may conclude that it is important to speak and act for the fetus.

♦ We came across this interview by North American liberationist Jim Wallis with Latin American liberationist Jon Sobrino.

My thesis is that genuinely Wesleyan evangelicals, Wesleyan liberals, Wesleyan liberationists, and Wesleyan process theologians would respect and appreciate one another.

The argument was made according to a classic liberationist reading of the scriptural mandate.

They did so because they wanted missionaries to deal with personal conversions to Christ and avoid liberationist entanglements.

I have selected evangelicals, liberals, liberationists, and process theologians for consideration.

The liberationist would see the church's vocation as one of delivering people from the contexts that foster crime and drug use.

In most cases, liberationist theologies have taken root in situations that call for freedom from existing government and economic structures.

Thus liberationist spokespeople are left to issue prophetic calls necessarily devoid of the practical guidelines their commitment to political change would entail.

Nothing could be said, for within a liberationist understanding of God's will there is little room for considering how, short of overturning society at large, Christians should respond to particular social problems.

In fact, a liberationist outlook obscures rather than clarifies the practical imperatives of Christian ministry within the U.S.

Articles and teaching sessions are devoted to social scandals like the increase in hunger, poverty, homelessness and illiteracy in the U.S. Likewise, issues surrounding U.S. foreign policy, aid and grotesque military appropriations are frequently critiqued on behalf of a foreseen new social order that will be founded on liberationist principles.

It will learn something from what liberationists, women, and others have said, but it will incorporate only what can be assimilated into the mainstream of a relatively unchanged tradition.

Those who do not want to deal with the issues raised by liberationists and women are trying to close the door upon them.

Indeed, the animal rights movement's fury against the speciesist use of animals» a necessary element for human flourishing, particularly in medical research» has increased to the point that scientists are now under threat of death by the most radical liberationists for daring to experiment on rats or monkeys to find cures for cancer and other human afflictions.

Along the way, she counters the restricted rationalism of analytic philosophy and the utopianism of sundry liberationist proposals for «fixing» the world.

First, as the title of a key chapter puts it, the American example shows that religion can «Make Use of Democratic Instincts» in a manner mutually beneficial to itself and democracy; second, sustainable democracy needs religion, which means we can expect democratic peoples to remain attached to its continuance or at least potentially receptive to its revival (cf. II, 2.17, # s 17 - 20); third, democratic times, because they are enlightened times, tend to be ones of increasing doubts about religion; fourth, the relevant religion for America and Europe, Christianity, will be tugged against and perhaps eroded by powerful and ongoing democratic currents toward liberationist and materialist mores; and fifth, religion's authority in democratic society will always rest upon common opinion.

He wrote a thesis that was feminist and liberationist before those movements existed.

The potential leadership of at least the persuaders among the Christian R&D professionals is problematic, considering the weight of empirical evidence accumulated against liberationist diagnoses and prescriptions for the Third World's woes.

Any radically monotheistic understanding of the reality of God (whether classical, process, liberationist or liberal) affirms the strict universality of the divine reality.

Overall, the entire field of Christian social ethics — liberationist or not — pays scandalously little attention to empirical data and social science, as when Karen Lebacqz cites the Hite Report as though it were a statistically representative sample of sexual attitudes and behaviors, or when Michael Novak draws simplistic comparisons between Japanese and Latin American political economies.

Sigmund, who is strongly critical of liberationists» rejections of capitalism, also takes Novak to task for trusting to «the magic of the market» and for being «no more willing to engage in criticism of capitalism than liberation theologians are of socialism.»

Through these criticisms, Troeltsch can provide us with a needed sense of perspective on the liberationist project.

Any criticism of the liberationist program is perilous, for it can quickly put the critic in the uncomfortable position of seeming to favor the oppressor.

It is a veritable catalogue of liberationist cliches.

When I began formal theological studies at Harvard Divinity School, neo-Kantian and liberationist paradigms prevailed there.

Hermeneutic style will vary with mainline and evangelical, just as it does with the liberationist, feminist or process theologian, but the biblical underpinnings are essential.

She says it was simply hatched by myopic intellegentia and liberationists, as if they alone have the power to alter human behavior.

Liberationists initially took it as just one more instance of comfortable members of the white male establishment indulging their intellectual interests in a profoundly oppressive world.

The willful blindness Eberstadt condemns in liberationists and Marxist professors, therefore, is not so bad as that of the pro-life journals.

It represents a tried and true strategy designed to stigmatize and marginalize anyone who dares to dissent from sexual liberationist orthodoxy.

It's extremely likely that the only significant, ongoing dissent to sexual liberationist orthodoxy will come from religious people and the institutions they run for the sake of living out their faith.»

These are churches gathered around issues of common concern; the project is reminiscent of the house - church emphasis, but it is done from a liberationist perspective.

I was a leftist, a liberal, a liberationist, yet here was a story that portrayed liberalism, in the form of the Harvard professor Henry Rutledge, as moral disorder, and leftist liberationism, in the professor's students — one a black activist, one a Jesuit — as a posturing sham.

The liberationist hermeneutic draws upon Scripture to support the current struggle of the dispossessed for justice and liberty.

A liberationist approach to eschatology includes the empowerment of oppressed persons to take charge of their own lives.

Such liberationist collaboration is already beginning to emerge among the various types of liberation theologies.

The flaws in Walzer's analysis of the liberationist project stem from his inclination to see religious and conservative countermovements as problems to be solved rather than as expressions of genuine and worthy human aspirations.

But to recognize that precursor would have posed an awkward question for Walzer: Are the liberationist project's flaws merely a matter of means and attitude, or are they also rooted in its conception of human nature, its principles, and its goals?

While no Christian disagrees with these efforts, some Catholic, Orthodox, liberationist and ecumenical Christians tend to reject these emphases because they fail to evoke direct social action in the more usual sense.

Without realizing what he is doing — or realizing but choosing not to acknowledge it — his critique of the liberationist project recapitulates one of the great critiques of the ages, Edmund Burke's writings on the French Revolution.