Sentences with phrase «many nonwhite»

And there are hundreds of millions of nonwhite English speakers around the world, many of them in Africa.

«When I was in film school, no one ever talked about lighting nonwhite people,» Berkofsky said in this essential piece from Mic.

Some 32 % of Asian and nonwhite employees said they were discriminated against, versus 22 % of white employees.

Research shows high dealer markups often disproportionately affect nonwhite people — in other words, car dealers charge black and Latino buyers higher interest markups than they do white buyers.

It sent buyers to eight dealerships in eastern Virginia and found that white borrowers with weaker credit profiles got less expensive financing options and more favorable treatment than their nonwhite counterparts who were more financially qualified.

«I felt like I had to tolerate it because this is the cost of being a nonwhite female founder,» said Ms. Meyer, who is Asian - American.

Declines in homeownership among lower - income, nonwhite and young adults were especially dramatic following the housing crisis, as subprime lending, which many homeowners had previously relied on, all but dried up.

They want to kill all nonwhite, non-christians.

But some listeners can't forget that America wasn't always all about freedom for some people and talking about the past in a way that ignores those experiences comes across like cluelessness at best or nostalgia for the political marginalization of nonwhites at worst.

Nonwhite voters were always going to be a harder get than nominating a Hispanic presidential candidate (or nominating a Hispanic presidential candidate and supporting amnesty and vastly expanded immigration).

The media - strategy component is that many nonwhite and younger voters, based on their media consumption patterns, never even hear about when they do agree with conservatives.

He believed that conservatives could win over ancestral working - class white Democrats and nonwhites to free market politics.

Among nonwhite Christians and white evangelicals, 40 % and 38 % said yes, respectively; 29 % of Catholics and 19 % of white mainline Protestants also responded that God plays a role.

Racial discrimination does not seem to keep many nonwhites out of all employment unless they are thoroughly incompetent.

Mormons, whether white or, as they increasingly are, nonwhite, make up a people.

When murderers target and kill religious minorities simply because they are nonwhite or non-Christian, something of each of these traditions dies.

They assume that as long as few U.S. boys return in body bags, the U.S. people will tolerate their government's questionable, illegal, even ghastly policies in third - world countries where nonwhites do the dying.

They are both betting that conservatives will never reach out to moderate working - class whites and moderately conservative nonwhites.

Klan ideology, at its core, is centered on the idea that white Americans are threatened by nonwhite minorities and that most of these threats are arranged or encouraged by a sinister Jewish conspiracy.

Opinion polls indicate that the share of the nonwhite population holding (moderately) center - right policy views is significantly larger than the share that voted for Romney.

When the victim of rape is nonwhite — as in the trial of Joan Little for the murder of her rapist — it takes the rousing of national support to get justice done.

I am a little more optimistic about Republican chances to make gains among nonwhites.

Managers and workers, men and women, straights and gays, whites and nonwhites, «normal» people and «deviants»: all the oppressors need a means of understanding emotionally the grievances of the oppressed, and the oppressed groups can benefit, themselves, from a means of understanding the points of view of their oppressors.

One is the world - wide revolutionary situation, in which subject peoples of Asia and Africa are rising to claim their independence and their right to a fair share in the opportunities of life, and in which nonwhite peoples are challenging the exclusive privilege and world dominance of the white man.

DREAM Act - type laws aside, immigration policy won't result in any major Republican gains among nonwhites by itself, and waiting a couple of months to think things through won't hurt.

His «modern world» is a white, male, technocratic world, and the global phenomenon of nonwhite Pentecostalism had barely begun when Bultmann was writing.

What I already knew notionally I saw with my own eyes: that up to half of the young nonwhite men in the area surrounding the jail would at some point pass through this correctional institution, mostly for minor offenses, with the upper limit a 30 - month sentence.

But this is a goal of which the postmodern system of punitive policing and imprisoning of large segments of the nonwhite population seems to have despaired.

As our myth suggests, the fittest survive, and the fittest in our media worldview are not lower class, nonwhite Americans.

It is no accident that in Gerbner «s TV - violence profile, lower class and nonwhite characters are especially prone to victimization, are more violent than their middle class counterparts, and pay a high price for engaging in violence (jail, death).12.

The Washington Post described this ward as consisting of mostly Democrats, half who are nonwhite (including plenty of Spanish speakers), and having openly gay members in its leadership.

Despite a slogan («Make America Great Again») that targeted oldster nostalgia and irritated young nonwhites whose ancestors were either in some other country or barred from voting in this one when America was allegedly great — and despite his stranger - than - fiction gaffes and scandals, Trump did almost exactly as well as Romney had among young voters.

The Democratic Party's elites have thoroughly abandoned their mid-1990s skepticism about increasing future low - skill immigration, and have tried to present support for upfront amnesty and increased low - skill immigration as a referendum on whether Hispanic Americans (and nonwhites generally) are to be accepted as full American citizens.

Although Manna appears to be majority nonwhite, we do not know the ethnic mix of the churches of the half of her subjects that she interviewed by phone.

Although we use «linguistic sweeteners and semantic somersaults» and call these schools «diverse,» the Civil Rights Project at Harvard University (now at UCLA) has documented that more than 2 million students, including more than a quarter of black students in the Northeast and Midwest, attend schools in which 99 to 100 percent of the students are nonwhite.

She thinks that for Korean Americans to be the progressive force in evangelicalism that they have the potential to be, they must not simply step outside their comfort zone into heterogeneous churches but must identify (and worship) with other nonwhites, especially with African Americans.

Second, the category «nonwhite» presupposes that Korean Americans will, into the indefinite future, be categorized alongside African Americans as nonwhites.

While Curran's attempt at diversity is obvious (one essay is by a lesbian, several are by nonwhite writers, and at least one is written by a thrice - married «encore bride»), and while the authors subscribe to a range of opinions on what constitutes a meaningful wedding, the essays tend to merge into one witty, young - hip - and - urban and mostly forgettable voice.

The Trump administration, for all of its obnoxiousness, seems most to have irritated affluent white liberals, rather than the nonwhite and relatively poor who are supposedly Trump's great targets.

The first thing was the alleged coming of the «emerging Democratic majority,» which was supposed to be brought about by demographic change and a larger nonwhite share of the electorate.

In 1977, the life expectancy for white females was 77.7, compared with 69.9 for white males; nonwhite females have an expectancy of 73.8 and nonwhite males 65.0.

When combined with the strong Democratic leanings of Hispanic and other nonwhite Catholics, these trends explain the widely touted Democratic «revival» among Catholics.

Nonwhites are also somewhat under - represented in relation to their numbers in the actual population.

Meanwhile, the growing numbers of nonwhites have moved to the center of the Democratic coalition, joined, at least for the moment, by the expanding secular population.

2 As this myth suggests, the fittest survive, and the fittest in our media worldview are not poor, nonwhite Americans.

It is no accident that in the Gerbner TV - violence profile, lower - class and nonwhite characters are depicted as especially prone to victimization, as more violent than their middle - class counterparts, as paying a high price for engaging in violence (jail, death).

This strategy largely writes off the non-evangelical white working - class in the hopes of winning over nonwhite voters and it aligns Republican policy even more closely with the policy preferences of the Washington business lobbies.

Members believe that Armageddon will be a race war of «Aryans» against Jews and nonwhites.

By the 1970s it bad appeared throughout the country, especially in rural areas of the West and South — such as the Ozarks and mountain areas of the Pacific Northwest - with small numbers of Jews and nonwhites.

The thinking seems to be that since Republicans are having trouble with the growing, nonwhite fraction of the electorate, they should nominate Rubio because he is the «The Latino Republican version of Obama / Kennedy — he inspires, he's handsome, and what's not to like?»