Sentences with phrase «marginal seats between»

Though the Conservative Party tried its best to take some of the more marginal seats between it and Labour, such as Bridgend and Newport West, Labour successfully defended all of its 25 seats and took a further three (Gower, Cardiff North, and Vale of Clwyd) from the Conservatives.

It is a marginal seat between Plaid and the Labour Party, and until the 2016 Assembly election, had never been held by the same party for more than one consecutive term.

For many decades it was a classic marginal seat between the Conservatives and Labour, but the seat that existed between 1997 and 2010 took in parts of South Gloucestershire and was safely Labour.

Politics: Harrow East is a traditional marginal seat between Labour and the Conservatives, and has remained so despite the growing numbers of ethnic minority voters.

Politics: Batley tends to vote Labour, while the other towns and villages are more Conservative, making this a marginal seat between the Conservatives and Labour.

Not exact matches

The 1990s electoral tactic of announcing drastic future expenditure targets and forcing Labour to accept or reject them is designed for an electoral battleground for the swing voters in the marginal seats in contention between Labour and the Conservatives, almost all of which are in England.

I recently wrote to David Cameron outlining our intention to contest the 30 most marginal Conservative seats in 2015, where majorities in the 2010 general election ranged between 54 and 1,692 votes.

Taken together, groups of Conservative - Labour marginals in my research have shown swings to Labour at a similar level to those in the national polls, but there are wide variations between seats with similar majorities: in the first round, published in May, I found swings to Labour of 8 % in Amber Valley and just 2 % in Morecambe & Lunesdale.

Then we identified the marginal seats where the gap between the top two parties was less than 15 per cent, and the share of «left - behinds» was well above the national average.

At every election, local or national, the attention of politicians and political pundits turns to Nuneaton, a key marginal, a bellwether seat in the heart of England that oscillates between Labour and the Tories.

Among those seats listed above are a number of marginal and target seats, which could potentially make all the difference between a party winning a decisive overall majority or not.

Later in the campaign Populus asked Lib Dem supporters in 12 Lab / Con marginal seats how would would vote, bearing in mind that their seat was likely to be a close race between Labour and the Conservatives; in nearly every seat Lib Dem supporters were as likely to vote tactically against Labour as they were against the Conservatives.

The average position in the national polls when this fieldwork was being done (10th September — 3rd October) was a 3.6 % Labour lead, so once again the difference between the swing in the marginal seats and the swing in the national polls is tiny.

There are much more obvious differences between different battlegrounds (that is, between seats that are Con - v - Lab battles and seats that are Con - v - LD battles), so I've looked at only the Con - v - Lab battleground — those marginal seats with the Conservatives in first place ahead of Labour.

The first is the next cohort of Lib Dem - v - Conservative marginals, this group are those seats with a Lib Dem majority of between 9 % and 15 % over the Conservatives, so we are no longer looking at ultra-marginals.

However, as we've seen in previous Lord Ashcroft polls of Lib Dem marginals there is an awful lot of variation between individual constituencies — some seats (Carshalton & Wallington and Thornbury & Yate) are actually showing swings from Con to LD.

In a close election that could still be the difference between a majority and a hung Parliament, so don't underestimate its potential importance, but it would be a remarkable election if the swing in marginal seats really was 4 or 5 points bigger or smaller than the national picture.

As before, YouGov questioned people in the 60 Labour - Conservative marginals in those seats that Labour won by a margin of between 6 and 14 percentage points.

Finally, despite the important effects of the substantial rise of UKIP on the shares of the vote for the two main parties, UKIP are not set to win many seats nor have a disproportionate effect on the competition for seats between the two main parties in their key marginals.

The country became more polarised between the two largest parties in 2015 than was the case at any previous post-1945 election: the Conservatives and Labour have more Very Safe seats than before, and are contesting fewer marginal ones — and of the 56 seats won by the SNP in 2015, 28 are classified as Very Safe and a further 18 as Safe.

Beyond concerns of fairness, this division between safe seats and marginal seats has a corrosive effect on democracy.

Not only is this unfair, but the inequity that comes about because of the division between safe seats and marginal seats also has a corrosive effect on democracy.

In addition, there is new ICM poll of 96 Labour marginals in which the Conservatives need a swing of between 4 per cent and 10 per cent to take the seat.

Both outcomes are highly possible as are many other scenarios in between, resulting in many different possible results in marginal seats like this.

Derbyshire is going to be interesting in its electoral contests in the future I think - it's split evenly between marginals and safe seats.