Just one per cent of the electorate - less than half a million voters in
marginal swing seats - determined the outcome of the last general election.
Not exact matches
He claimed 40 per cent of the vote at the 2005 election but is holding the country's most
marginal seat - a 0.2 per cent
swing would see it go to the Tories.
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few
swing voters in key
marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
This would have the added benefit of lessening the importance of the million voters in
marginal, Middle England
seats, whose power to
swing elections has led Labour to pander excessively to their centre - right views.
The 1990s electoral tactic of announcing drastic future expenditure targets and forcing Labour to accept or reject them is designed for an electoral battleground for the
swing voters in the
marginal seats in contention between Labour and the Conservatives, almost all of which are in England.
Stroud has been relative to others a very
marginal seat since 1992 as well as a
swing seat as its winner's majority has not exceeded 9.1 % of the vote since the 19.2 % majority won in that year.
She won a 22.6 %
swing, but the
seat will be
marginal next time it comes up for election in 2015.
Taken together, groups of Conservative - Labour
marginals in my research have shown
swings to Labour at a similar level to those in the national polls, but there are wide variations between
seats with similar majorities: in the first round, published in May, I found
swings to Labour of 8 % in Amber Valley and just 2 % in Morecambe & Lunesdale.
How can it be right that the electoral battleground is fought in 100 key
marginal seats which
swing at each election and decide the colour of the government?
Firstly, in Conservative - vs - Labour
marginals the Conservative vote is largely unchanged from the general election, but the Liberal Democrat vote has dropped to the benefit of Labour, this means on a uniform
swing Labour would gain about 28
seats from the Conservatives (though these would be
seats that the Conservatives gained at the last election, so in practice the Tories would be helped by the incumbency bonus of the new MPs).
jsfl, In order to calculate the
swing from 2005 in these
marginal seats, we need to have the party shares that occurred in these constituencies — not the national shares.Given that Anthony is quoting a 29 % Con lead over Labour and a
swing of approximately 11 % from Lab to Con since 2005, the implication is that in 2005 the Tories enjoyed a 7 % lead over Labour in these paricular
seats!
He has produced a table listing 32
marginal seats that the Tories ought to be targeting at the next election (defined as requiring a 5 % or under
swing from red or yellow to blue).
It is difficult to prove that the battlebus campaign was the factor that
swung the last election in the Conservatives» favour, although it was specifically targeting
marginal and
swing seats, and clearly the Tories saw it as a key campaigning tool.
The way our elections work encourages parties to ignore the views of the majority of the British public to focus on the handful of
swing voters in
marginal seats.
The Conservative party chairman said:» Labour should be very worried that in a week when Gordon Brown has dominated the news, the Conservatives have made a crucial gain from Labour in the north and achieved a
swing in three
marginal seats which would mean three strong Conservative gains in a general election.»
April's Lord Aschroft poll of
marginal Scottish
seats saw a 26.5 %
swing towards the SNP against the Scottish Labour leader, with the Scottish Nationalists now nine points clear in East Renfrewshire.
And where we did achieve
swings against the Tories, these were in safe Labour
seats, rather than in the target
marginals, in which we worked so hard.»
His previous polling of Lib - v - Lab
seats was a little disappointing — he polled the four most
marginal LD - v - Lab
seats, all of which fell to Labour easily on huge
swings.
The average position in the national polls when this fieldwork was being done (10th September — 3rd October) was a 3.6 % Labour lead, so once again the difference between the
swing in the
marginal seats and the
swing in the national polls is tiny.
It's not a very exciting finding —
swing in Conservative
marginals not vastly different to other
seats — but it's one that gives me some confidence in the poll.
In 2001 the average
swing in all English
seats was 1.6 %, the average
swing in Lab - v - Con
seats was also 1.6 %, the average
swing in
marginal Lab - v - Con
seats was -0.5 % (that is, overall there was a small
swing to the Conservatives, but on average there was a tiny
swing to Labour in the Lab - v - Con
marginals).
You can see that
marginals do behave a little differently sometimes — the Conservatives managed a better
swing in their target Labour
marginals in 2010, Labour did better in those
seats where they had fresh incumbency in 2001 — but the differences aren't huge.
However, as we've seen in previous Lord Ashcroft polls of Lib Dem
marginals there is an awful lot of variation between individual constituencies — some
seats (Carshalton & Wallington and Thornbury & Yate) are actually showing
swings from Con to LD.
In a close election that could still be the difference between a majority and a hung Parliament, so don't underestimate its potential importance, but it would be a remarkable election if the
swing in
marginal seats really was 4 or 5 points bigger or smaller than the national picture.
Yet in vital
marginal seats in England, Labour's
swing barely registered.
«This is the most
marginal seat in the country - it needs just a 0.2 per cent
swing to go to the Conservatives.
«If we apply this
swing to each Labour
marginal, the Tories would win 52 out of the 60
seats.
The Liberal Party appeared to shift campaign resources into defending its safer
seats, Labor achieving substantial
swings to win the
marginal seats of Kingston, Makin and Wakefield, but failing to dislodge the Liberal Party in Boothby and Sturt.
This is a
swing of 6 points (the equivalent of a Labour lead of about 5 points in a national poll), so suggests Labour may be doing somewhat better in key
marginal seats than in the country as a whole.
The Tories may lose fewer close
marginal seats to Labour than might be expected given even a regional
swing.
In some previous elections the
swing in close
marginals (particularly
marginals gained at the previous election and where the new incumbent is standing again) has been a lot less than in most other types of
seats.
Voting intention Our poll shows in these
marginals the Tories are ahead of Labour by 43 per cent to 36 per cent - that's a mirror image of Labour's victories in these
seats and a YouGov analysis suggests it amounts to a 9 per cent
swing to the Tories from Labour and a Conservative government with an overall majority of 60 - 70
seats.
However, it will be won or lost in the 117
marginal seats we need to win in order to gain an overall majority; and it will be won or lost on the decisions of
swing voters in those constituencies.
As it happens the Conservative - Labour
swing in
marginals was much the same as it was in safe
seats in 2005, but the changes in the parties votes was different — both the Conservatives and Labour did better in their key
marginals than elsewhere, it's just their mutual improved performances cancelled each other out!
FPTP is meant to function so that there are two sets of safe
seats for each of the main parties — and as the pendulum
swings from one party to another, the
marginal seats switch from one party to another.
It makes Cheltenham the tenth most
marginal seat in the country, requiring a 0.55 %
swing to take the
seat.
In addition, there is new ICM poll of 96 Labour
marginals in which the Conservatives need a
swing of between 4 per cent and 10 per cent to take the
seat.
Either Mr Pickles or Lord Forsyth could get the Tories a landslide - we are doing well despite Mrs Spelman not because of her or because of Mr Letwin's confused platitudes that appeal to The Guardian editorial more than
swing voters in
marginal seats.
The respected psephologist John Curtice has calculated that the Tories could gain 71
seats from Labour without winning a higher share of the vote than in 2001, simply by a
swing to the Lib Dems splitting the progressive vote in our
marginals.
It's the SNP / Lab gap that remains static and the
swing from Conservative is now so significant that of their 13
seats they are now projected to lose 5 and by a substantial margin in the most
marginal of Stirling.
On a more simple measure of affordability, the median house price of the
marginal Liberal
seat held by Malcolm Turnbull — which needs a
swing of 3.9 per cent to change hands — is a staggering $ 1.65 million.