Liberty
means liberty of movement unless the conditions (a-f) apply.
Not exact matches
He's a Thomist in terms
of «epistemology,» which
means that he believes that we're, by nature, all about both economic
liberty and the truth about the personal, relational God.
Lots
of well
meaning Tea Party folks talk about taking the country back, worry about losing freedom, and want to restore
liberty.
The notable exception, in the alliances
of modern conservatisms against statism, corporatism, and centralizations are some libertarians (neo-liberals) who wish to conserve an economic liberalism (
meaning an elevated «
liberty» and «right» in the public sphere).
Mr. Martin writes:»... being American
means embracing the ideals
of the Founding Fathers, which include pluralism, rule
of law, and civil
liberties.»
Democratic capitalism
means a system
of natural
liberty, incorporating both political
liberty and economic
liberty.
So to truly apply the mindset
of Madison today
means to admit what he couldn't quite see: that just as air is to the regrettable existence
of fire, and as
liberty is to the regrettable existence
of faction, so is modern republican government to the regrettable existence
of various at - bottom - suicidal democratic mindsets: progressivism, democratic socialism, militant secularism, and libertarianism.
This «moral reading»
of the Constitution calls on judges to act as moral philosophers: «equal protection
of the laws» should
mean what best promotes «equal concern and respect» for all humans; «
liberty» in the «due process» clause should
mean autonomy in matters important to personal development, and so forth.
Zmirak is right that the Church's opposition to «religious
liberty» heated up during the eighteenth and nineteenth century — when «religious
liberty» was being used to
mean the guillotine, the abolition
of the clergy, and the disenfranchisement
of Church schools.
Since political principles identify the proper relations between humans, and since these relations are not constitutive
of happiness, freedom has
meant the absence
of authority or coercion, i.e., the
liberty to pursue happiness without human interference.
In 1992, in the Casey opinion which confirmed America's unlimited abortion licence, Kennedy wrote that «at the heart
of liberty is the right to define one's own concept
of existence,
of meaning,
of the universe, and
of the mystery
of human life»....
If understanding our case as above all a matter
of protecting religious
liberty rights
means that social conservatives don't think or talk that way anymore, then we are in great trouble.
This
means we need to see that we are defending more than religious
liberty: We are defending the very idea that our government exists to protect the space in which various institutions
of civil society do the work that enables Americans to thrive, and we are defending the proposition that this work involves moral formation and not just liberation from constraint.
It is God who finally obtains what he hoped for by
means of the
liberty of each participant.
It
means a way
of life which recognizes
liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles
of life.
The
meaning of every key term in the civil religion — certainly
liberty and the pursuit
of happiness, but also equality and even life — differs in those two perspectives.18
Loss
of religious
liberties meant a loss
of political
liberties.
But the experience
of metaphysical knowledge,
of self - consciousness and self - awareness,
of moral conscience,
of liberty, or
of aesthetic and religious experience — these must be analyzed through philosophical reflection, while theology seeks to clarify the ultimate
meaning of the Creator's designs.
This whole thing
of everyone making interpretations
of what any
of it
means is plain ignorant... Keep in mind there are 8 known versions
of the bible throughout history and lets not get into translation «
liberties» that were taken so that it could fill someones agenda..
Over at No Left Turns, Peter Lawler reminds us that part
of the problem with an unrestrained judicial activism is precisely its championing
of the ever expanding rights
of the Lockean individual — the essential premise
of Texas v. Lawrence is that the word «
liberty» as used in the Fourteenth Amendment is an indeterminate concept
meant to be expanded indefinitely by the Supreme Court.
The generations that wrote and ratified the Bill
of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment did not presume to know the extent
of freedom in all
of its dimensions, and so they entrusted to future generations a charter protecting the right
of all persons to enjoy
liberty as we learn its
meaning.
According to the Hartshornean understanding
of perfect love, we might interpret the scriptural command — «Be ye perfect» — to
mean that we are commanded to act from a social awareness that is perfectly responsive to the interests
of all others, and for the purpose
of promoting the greatest
liberty for all.
People
of faith and foundations with concern for religious
liberty must start establishing alternative
means to help students fund their education.
Consequently, the world that was
meant to be a great human family «with
liberty and justice for all» is the scene not only
of injustice, tyranny, and heartache, but
of bitter strife that may engulf us all.
Sexual exploitation
of the unborn, the new born and youth
of both sexes, together with the fact that even free men and women were expected to marry (usually arranged) and bear and rear children as a duty to empire and family,
meant for many Christians that the only route to personal
liberty led through the «freedom»
of celibacy.
The first generation
of Americans, the ones who sacrificed everything
of an immanent nature in the effort to capture the true
meaning of existential order, intimately understood the realty
of that order they established, and the symbols they created, specifically «freedom» and «
liberty».
Yes, by all
means, let us maintain, undergird, and strengthen our precious Baptist distinctives: our commitment to a regenerate church membership, believers» baptism by immersion in the name
of the triune God, our stand for unfettered religious
liberty, and all the rest» but let us do this not so that people will say how great the Baptists are but rather what a great Savior the Baptists have, what a great God they serve.
At any rate, it's an economic view
of liberty as a
means that brings with it a political commitment to an activist, interventionist tax policy
of incentives and disincentives.
It provides extra level
of strict scrutiny protection by requiring the government to demonstrate a compelling government interest for violating someone's religious
liberty, and requires the infringement to be done in the least restrictive
means.
Theocratic values however well
meaning are the opposite
of liberty.
The principal task
of politics is to maximize voluntary exchanges because
liberty means the freedom
of all to make
of their lives whatever they choose.
All the speakers make vivid, however, what the gospel
means to the animistic tribes — that it breaks for them the spell
of terror and introduces them to a life which is a jubilee
of liberty and joy.
I
mean if God did well enough to see fit to install this perfect plan called salvation before the foundation
of man, that who so ever believes that Jesus took not only one for the team or mankind but all
of the sins
of mankind upon Himself, that in this gift provides freedom
liberty and justification?
«The best view is by no
means the closest view... we consciously stand back and create distance in order to look at the world, i.e., at objects as parts
of the world: and also to be unembarrassed by the closeness
of that which we wish only to see; to have the full
liberty of our scanning attention.»
The libertine guardians
of the sexual revolution brook no dissent from the idea, so famously articulated in Casey vs. Planned Parenthood, that «at the heart
of liberty is the right to define one's own concept
of existence,
of meaning,
of the universe, and
of the mystery
of human life.»
The basis
of the decision is a claim to special enlightenment (we shall not say «revelation») about the
meaning and import
of liberty — special because the majority claims access to essential truths about marriage, sex and
liberty heretofore unavailable to all peoples in the entire history
of the world.
As much as concupiscence darkens the horizon
of the inward vision and deprives the heart
of the clarity
of desires and aspirations, so much does «life according to the Spirit» (that is, the grace
of the sacrament
of marriage) permit man and woman to find again the true
liberty of the gift, united to the awareness
of the spousal
meaning of the body in its masculinity and femininity» (TB,348 - 349).
It is Arendt's argument that the founding fathers
meant «public happiness» in the revolutionary phrase «life,
liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness,» not private bohemias.
I do think that — I passionately believe that free market economics — a
liberty - oriented economic policy creating high sustained growth needs to be recognized as the best
means for people to be lifted out
of poverty.
Kennedy is the same justice who gave out in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) that «At the heart
of liberty, is the right to define one's own concept
of existence,
of meaning,
of the universe, and
of the mystery
of human life.»
If it is true that, bound by the collective interaction
of its
liberties, the human social group can not escape from certain irreversible laws
of evolution, does this
mean that, observed along its axis
of «greatest complexity» (i.e. increasing
liberty) the World is coiling upon itself with as much sureness as it is in other respects radiating outwards and explosively expanding?
The
meaning is that every human being has the same rights to life,
liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness.
While life,
liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness are valuable human ideals in themselves, they are by no
means «God - given rights,» are not guaranteed in Scripture, and when such values are divorced from the understanding that we will answer to God, these rights become some
of the greatest instruments
of death, enslavement, and sadness the world has ever seen.
But even here the great stress
of the Protestant clergy on the providential, indeed millennial,
meaning of the American republic was on the triumph
of «civil and religious
liberty,» with all the usual ambiguity about that central term.
It took the Supreme Court a mere twenty - five years to make this premise explicit, in the famous «Mystery Passage»
of the 1992 Casey decision: «At the heart
of liberty is the right to define one's own concept
of existence,
of meaning,
of the universe, and
of the mystery
of human life.»
The battle cry is this war was notoriously formulated by Justice Kennedy in the Casey decision upholding the abortion license in America: «At the heart
of liberty is the right to define one's own concept
of existence,
of meaning,
of the universe, and
of the mystery
of human life.»
Catholic citizens have every reason — including the truth
of the matter — to argue that our Constitution is much more democratic that our Court now says it is, just as they have every reason to argue that our Framers never
meant «
liberty» to be used as a wrecking ball deployed against our indispensable relational «intermediary» institutions — beginning with the family and the church.
When used justly» and in the American system this
means at its basis to protect the essential goods
of life,
liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness at which American democracy aims» coercive force is not an evil at all but an instrument
of good.
just because someone gives you a gift doesn't
mean you have to accept it, google the word Libertas and you will find it was a Roman Greek goddess that promised
liberty for all the people and it looks identical to ours Statue
of Liberty or Lady
liberty, America can not claim to be a godly nation and embrace pagan idols.
One term that has shared in the general collapse
of meaning is «freedom» or «
liberty.»