Sentences with phrase «means liberty of»

Liberty means liberty of movement unless the conditions (a-f) apply.

Not exact matches

He's a Thomist in terms of «epistemology,» which means that he believes that we're, by nature, all about both economic liberty and the truth about the personal, relational God.
Lots of well meaning Tea Party folks talk about taking the country back, worry about losing freedom, and want to restore liberty.
The notable exception, in the alliances of modern conservatisms against statism, corporatism, and centralizations are some libertarians (neo-liberals) who wish to conserve an economic liberalism (meaning an elevated «liberty» and «right» in the public sphere).
Mr. Martin writes:»... being American means embracing the ideals of the Founding Fathers, which include pluralism, rule of law, and civil liberties
Democratic capitalism means a system of natural liberty, incorporating both political liberty and economic liberty.
So to truly apply the mindset of Madison today means to admit what he couldn't quite see: that just as air is to the regrettable existence of fire, and as liberty is to the regrettable existence of faction, so is modern republican government to the regrettable existence of various at - bottom - suicidal democratic mindsets: progressivism, democratic socialism, militant secularism, and libertarianism.
This «moral reading» of the Constitution calls on judges to act as moral philosophers: «equal protection of the laws» should mean what best promotes «equal concern and respect» for all humans; «liberty» in the «due process» clause should mean autonomy in matters important to personal development, and so forth.
Zmirak is right that the Church's opposition to «religious liberty» heated up during the eighteenth and nineteenth century — when «religious liberty» was being used to mean the guillotine, the abolition of the clergy, and the disenfranchisement of Church schools.
Since political principles identify the proper relations between humans, and since these relations are not constitutive of happiness, freedom has meant the absence of authority or coercion, i.e., the liberty to pursue happiness without human interference.
In 1992, in the Casey opinion which confirmed America's unlimited abortion licence, Kennedy wrote that «at the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life»....
If understanding our case as above all a matter of protecting religious liberty rights means that social conservatives don't think or talk that way anymore, then we are in great trouble.
This means we need to see that we are defending more than religious liberty: We are defending the very idea that our government exists to protect the space in which various institutions of civil society do the work that enables Americans to thrive, and we are defending the proposition that this work involves moral formation and not just liberation from constraint.
It is God who finally obtains what he hoped for by means of the liberty of each participant.
It means a way of life which recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life.
The meaning of every key term in the civil religion — certainly liberty and the pursuit of happiness, but also equality and even life — differs in those two perspectives.18
Loss of religious liberties meant a loss of political liberties.
But the experience of metaphysical knowledge, of self - consciousness and self - awareness, of moral conscience, of liberty, or of aesthetic and religious experience — these must be analyzed through philosophical reflection, while theology seeks to clarify the ultimate meaning of the Creator's designs.
This whole thing of everyone making interpretations of what any of it means is plain ignorant... Keep in mind there are 8 known versions of the bible throughout history and lets not get into translation «liberties» that were taken so that it could fill someones agenda..
Over at No Left Turns, Peter Lawler reminds us that part of the problem with an unrestrained judicial activism is precisely its championing of the ever expanding rights of the Lockean individual — the essential premise of Texas v. Lawrence is that the word «liberty» as used in the Fourteenth Amendment is an indeterminate concept meant to be expanded indefinitely by the Supreme Court.
The generations that wrote and ratified the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment did not presume to know the extent of freedom in all of its dimensions, and so they entrusted to future generations a charter protecting the right of all persons to enjoy liberty as we learn its meaning.
According to the Hartshornean understanding of perfect love, we might interpret the scriptural command — «Be ye perfect» — to mean that we are commanded to act from a social awareness that is perfectly responsive to the interests of all others, and for the purpose of promoting the greatest liberty for all.
People of faith and foundations with concern for religious liberty must start establishing alternative means to help students fund their education.
Consequently, the world that was meant to be a great human family «with liberty and justice for all» is the scene not only of injustice, tyranny, and heartache, but of bitter strife that may engulf us all.
Sexual exploitation of the unborn, the new born and youth of both sexes, together with the fact that even free men and women were expected to marry (usually arranged) and bear and rear children as a duty to empire and family, meant for many Christians that the only route to personal liberty led through the «freedom» of celibacy.
The first generation of Americans, the ones who sacrificed everything of an immanent nature in the effort to capture the true meaning of existential order, intimately understood the realty of that order they established, and the symbols they created, specifically «freedom» and «liberty».
Yes, by all means, let us maintain, undergird, and strengthen our precious Baptist distinctives: our commitment to a regenerate church membership, believers» baptism by immersion in the name of the triune God, our stand for unfettered religious liberty, and all the rest» but let us do this not so that people will say how great the Baptists are but rather what a great Savior the Baptists have, what a great God they serve.
At any rate, it's an economic view of liberty as a means that brings with it a political commitment to an activist, interventionist tax policy of incentives and disincentives.
It provides extra level of strict scrutiny protection by requiring the government to demonstrate a compelling government interest for violating someone's religious liberty, and requires the infringement to be done in the least restrictive means.
Theocratic values however well meaning are the opposite of liberty.
The principal task of politics is to maximize voluntary exchanges because liberty means the freedom of all to make of their lives whatever they choose.
All the speakers make vivid, however, what the gospel means to the animistic tribes — that it breaks for them the spell of terror and introduces them to a life which is a jubilee of liberty and joy.
I mean if God did well enough to see fit to install this perfect plan called salvation before the foundation of man, that who so ever believes that Jesus took not only one for the team or mankind but all of the sins of mankind upon Himself, that in this gift provides freedom liberty and justification?
«The best view is by no means the closest view... we consciously stand back and create distance in order to look at the world, i.e., at objects as parts of the world: and also to be unembarrassed by the closeness of that which we wish only to see; to have the full liberty of our scanning attention.»
The libertine guardians of the sexual revolution brook no dissent from the idea, so famously articulated in Casey vs. Planned Parenthood, that «at the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»
The basis of the decision is a claim to special enlightenment (we shall not say «revelation») about the meaning and import of liberty — special because the majority claims access to essential truths about marriage, sex and liberty heretofore unavailable to all peoples in the entire history of the world.
As much as concupiscence darkens the horizon of the inward vision and deprives the heart of the clarity of desires and aspirations, so much does «life according to the Spirit» (that is, the grace of the sacrament of marriage) permit man and woman to find again the true liberty of the gift, united to the awareness of the spousal meaning of the body in its masculinity and femininity» (TB,348 - 349).
It is Arendt's argument that the founding fathers meant «public happiness» in the revolutionary phrase «life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,» not private bohemias.
I do think that — I passionately believe that free market economics — a liberty - oriented economic policy creating high sustained growth needs to be recognized as the best means for people to be lifted out of poverty.
Kennedy is the same justice who gave out in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) that «At the heart of liberty, is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»
If it is true that, bound by the collective interaction of its liberties, the human social group can not escape from certain irreversible laws of evolution, does this mean that, observed along its axis of «greatest complexity» (i.e. increasing liberty) the World is coiling upon itself with as much sureness as it is in other respects radiating outwards and explosively expanding?
The meaning is that every human being has the same rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
While life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are valuable human ideals in themselves, they are by no means «God - given rights,» are not guaranteed in Scripture, and when such values are divorced from the understanding that we will answer to God, these rights become some of the greatest instruments of death, enslavement, and sadness the world has ever seen.
But even here the great stress of the Protestant clergy on the providential, indeed millennial, meaning of the American republic was on the triumph of «civil and religious liberty,» with all the usual ambiguity about that central term.
It took the Supreme Court a mere twenty - five years to make this premise explicit, in the famous «Mystery Passage» of the 1992 Casey decision: «At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»
The battle cry is this war was notoriously formulated by Justice Kennedy in the Casey decision upholding the abortion license in America: «At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»
Catholic citizens have every reason — including the truth of the matter — to argue that our Constitution is much more democratic that our Court now says it is, just as they have every reason to argue that our Framers never meant «liberty» to be used as a wrecking ball deployed against our indispensable relational «intermediary» institutions — beginning with the family and the church.
When used justly» and in the American system this means at its basis to protect the essential goods of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness at which American democracy aims» coercive force is not an evil at all but an instrument of good.
just because someone gives you a gift doesn't mean you have to accept it, google the word Libertas and you will find it was a Roman Greek goddess that promised liberty for all the people and it looks identical to ours Statue of Liberty or Lady liberty, America can not claim to be a godly nation and embrace pagan idols.
One term that has shared in the general collapse of meaning is «freedom» or «liberty
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