Sentences with phrase «modern liberalism as»

Not exact matches

The New Communitarians and the Crisis of Modern Liberalism by Bruce Frohnen (University Press of Kansas) is a sharply critical treatment of the movement that highlights the ways in which the communitarian impulse has been hijacked by people such as Mario Cuomo and Hillary Clinton.

When, in the great movement of modern liberalism, we demythologized the state and rejected most of the metaphysical foundations of politics, we gained much» but we also lost something, and one of the things we lost is any coherent theory about the nation's continuing authority to enact such metaphysically fitting punishments as the death penalty.

What defines this line is the way in which all positions on it, from one end to the other, are committed to a form of modern liberalism which, as we noted above, prioritizes the individual and the present.

Precisely because the inspirations of modern religious liberalism now come from all quarters, the person in the pulpit is as likely to quote Erich Fromm as Theodore Parker, and more likely to quote either than Augustine or Aquinas.

Still, such theorists also continue, as did Kant himself, the modern natural law tradition, at least in the following way: The duties prescribed by nonteleological liberalism are defined in terms of rights that are prior to any inclusive good; that is, these rights are separated from, and respect for them overrides, any inclusive telos humans might pursue.

Yet liberalism as a political theory, understood as a cooperative enterprise for mutual advantage among free and equal persons, is considered by friend and foe alike the essential expression of what it means to he a political animal in the modern West.

They have to speak the gospel in ways that secularized modern people can hear: «That's what led me to imagination in the first place, and I still believe that one can be true to the task of theology without compromising the essentials as did theological liberalism.»

It provided an ideological framework within which the many religious communities of India as well as the plurality of linguistic caste and ethnic cultures (in the formation of which one or other religions had played a dominant role) could participate together with the adherents of secular ideologies like Liberalism and Socialism (which emerged in India in the framework of the impact of modern humanism of the West mediated through western power and English education).

As Niebuhr contemplated the shambles of the Depression, he became deeply convinced that modern liberalism, whether in its secular or its religious form, could not provide relevant guidance for social and political reconstruction.

As it happens, Hauerwas is much more diligent in being fair to individual liberals and moderns than he is to «liberalism» and «modernity,» which become handy labels for what he most reviles.

He set himself the task of steering a realistic course between the two threats of liberalism and orthodoxy as he tried «to relate Christianity to the modern world.

Earlier liberalism saw in the proclamation of the Kerygma itself a stumbling block to modern man, and thus sidled away from its eschatological message, preferring to center upon the ethical dimension of Christian faith as this was expressed in the life and teaching of Jesus.

By far the most complicating factor in the debate is that conservatism lives and dies as the antithesis to liberalism, the modern Antichrist.

To them, both theological liberalism (in all its varieties) and theological conservatism (with as many varieties) were and still are obsessed with «the modern mind.»

Even at the time, Pius IX was derided for being so retrograde as to say that the pope ought not, indeed could not, «reconcile himself to progress, liberalism and modern civilization.»

Modern liberalism sets itself up as the view of all «reasonable people.»

As Saint John Paul often declared, Christians today are called on to be «signs of contradiction» (rather than signs of the kind of unvarying conformity with «progress, liberalism and modern civilisation» which you will find in the pages of The Tablet and of Cornwell's books).

The famous (for liberals the notorious) article 80 of the Syllabus — which condemns as an error the proposition that «the Roman Pontiff may and ought to reconcile himself to, and to agree with, progress, liberalism and modern civilisation» — seems reasonable enough.

One of the genuine alternatives in our time to the «dialectical» or «Continental» theology as a constructive advance upon liberalism is the mode of theological thinking which seeks to reinterpret the force and meaning of the Christian faith within the new intellectual framework that is being provided by modern metaphysics.

He described the Church as a «little boat of Christian thought» tossed by waves of «extreme» schools of modern thought - Marxism, liberalism, libertinism, collectivism and «radical individualism....

On the other hand, Italian liberalism and socialism, especially since World War II, have tended to give up their totalistic claims and opt for a civility and a tolerance of difference that Hammond sees as essential in a modern civil religion.

Among them were pantheism and the positions that human reason is the sole arbiter of truth and falsehood and good and evil; that Christian faith contradicts reason; that Christ is a myth; that philosophy must be treated without reference to supernatural revelation; that every man is free to embrace the religion which, guided by the light of reason, he believes to be true; that Protestantism is another form of the Christian religion in which it is possible to be as pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church; that the civil power can determine the limits within which the Catholic Church may exercise authority; that Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have erred in defining matters of faith and morals; that the Church does not have direct or indirect temporal power or the right to invoke force; that in a conflict between Church and State the civil law should prevail; that the civil power has the right to appoint and depose bishops; that the entire direction of public schools in which the youth of Christian states are educated must be by the civil power; that the Church should be separated from the State and the State from the Church; that moral laws do not need divine sanction; that it is permissible to rebel against legitimate princes; that a civil contract may among Christians constitute true marriage; that the Catholic religion should no longer be the religion of the State to the exclusion of all other forms of worship; and «that the Roman Pontiff can and should reconcile himself to and agree with progress, liberalism and modern civilization.»

In the eighteenth century, the founders of modern liberalism embraced an argument that posited human wants and needs as infinitely expandable.

He was the father of what became known as Protestant Liberalism, which can be seen as the expression of Christian thought m a form more appropriate to the modern world.

Because most people with any sort of knowledge of the recent academic debates / fights in and around modern liberalism would know that Sandel is usually classed as communitarian critic of liberalism.

How Nick Clegg can seriously class himself as Liberal is beyond me and given the party's record while in this despicable coalition, I feel many supporters and potential voters will never vote Liberal while Clegg is the two faces of modern liberalism.

Lamb says the party needs to present a clear vision of what liberalism means in the modern age, arguing that during the election campaign it talked too much about what it was not as opposed to what it was.

7 - Edmund Burke: An Irish statesman, author, orator, political theorist and philosopher, Burke has generally been viewed as the founder of modern conservatism as well as a representative of classic liberalism.

The three major accomplishments of Shanker's career, according to Kahlenberg, were the founding of modern teachers» unions, his leadership of education reform in the»80s and»90s, and his dedication to «tough liberalism,» which the author described as a philosophy «more politically persuasive and substantively potent than either traditional liberalism or traditional conservatism.»

About Blog The Remnant has been fighting against the revolution in the Church for over forty years, just as it has been fighting against the errors that infect the modern state — Liberalism, Socialism, Communism, the New World Order, a degenerate youth culture, the abortion epidemic, euthanasia, sex education, etc..