What defines this line is the way in which all positions on it, from one end to the other, are committed to a form of
modern liberalism which, as we noted above, prioritizes the individual and the present.
The target is, rather, those forms of broader
modern liberalism which have produced certain ways of thinking about faith and the church which can be found in both conservative and in so - called «liberal» churches.
Not exact matches
The New Communitarians and the Crisis of
Modern Liberalism by Bruce Frohnen (University Press of Kansas) is a sharply critical treatment of the movement that highlights the ways in
which the communitarian impulse has been hijacked by people such as Mario Cuomo and Hillary Clinton.
«One theme that I keep encountering in SR sessions,» he says, «is the idea that there's something called
modern discourse,
which operates according to rigid rules dictated by secular
liberalism.
It provided an ideological framework within
which the many religious communities of India as well as the plurality of linguistic caste and ethnic cultures (in the formation of
which one or other religions had played a dominant role) could participate together with the adherents of secular ideologies like
Liberalism and Socialism (
which emerged in India in the framework of the impact of
modern humanism of the West mediated through western power and English education).
He said, «
Modern liberalism is steeped in a religious optimism
which is true to the facts of neither the world of nature nor the world of history.»
As it happens, Hauerwas is much more diligent in being fair to individual liberals and
moderns than he is to «
liberalism» and «modernity,»
which become handy labels for what he most reviles.
The
modern utopias of
liberalism and of Marxism have asserted the possibility of the order
which overcomes evil emerging either through gradual development or catastrophic struggles in history.
Underlying them is a sort of «fudging»
liberalism,
which sees clearly the plight of
modern despair and Godlessness but hopes vainly for the reappearance of the traditional God of the past.
Reform and reappropriation are always on the agenda, but to believe that there is some neutral ground from
which we can rearrange the defining symbols and commitments of a living community is simply a mistake - a common mistake of
modern liberalism.
As Saint John Paul often declared, Christians today are called on to be «signs of contradiction» (rather than signs of the kind of unvarying conformity with «progress,
liberalism and
modern civilisation»
which you will find in the pages of The Tablet and of Cornwell's books).
The famous (for liberals the notorious) article 80 of the Syllabus —
which condemns as an error the proposition that «the Roman Pontiff may and ought to reconcile himself to, and to agree with, progress,
liberalism and
modern civilisation» — seems reasonable enough.
One of the genuine alternatives in our time to the «dialectical» or «Continental» theology as a constructive advance upon
liberalism is the mode of theological thinking
which seeks to reinterpret the force and meaning of the Christian faith within the new intellectual framework that is being provided by
modern metaphysics.
Beer ignores the fundamental sense in
which it is
liberalism in
modern thought and experience
which has totally trivialized reason by making it a mere calculative device for self - interest, passionally and habitually understood.
liberalism, socialism, and fascism in
modern Italy have each shown tendencies toward an archaic regression in
which political authority claims its own sacrality.
Among them were pantheism and the positions that human reason is the sole arbiter of truth and falsehood and good and evil; that Christian faith contradicts reason; that Christ is a myth; that philosophy must be treated without reference to supernatural revelation; that every man is free to embrace the religion
which, guided by the light of reason, he believes to be true; that Protestantism is another form of the Christian religion in
which it is possible to be as pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church; that the civil power can determine the limits within
which the Catholic Church may exercise authority; that Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have erred in defining matters of faith and morals; that the Church does not have direct or indirect temporal power or the right to invoke force; that in a conflict between Church and State the civil law should prevail; that the civil power has the right to appoint and depose bishops; that the entire direction of public schools in
which the youth of Christian states are educated must be by the civil power; that the Church should be separated from the State and the State from the Church; that moral laws do not need divine sanction; that it is permissible to rebel against legitimate princes; that a civil contract may among Christians constitute true marriage; that the Catholic religion should no longer be the religion of the State to the exclusion of all other forms of worship; and «that the Roman Pontiff can and should reconcile himself to and agree with progress,
liberalism and
modern civilization.»
He was the father of what became known as Protestant
Liberalism,
which can be seen as the expression of Christian thought m a form more appropriate to the
modern world.
The three major accomplishments of Shanker's career, according to Kahlenberg, were the founding of
modern teachers» unions, his leadership of education reform in the»80s and»90s, and his dedication to «tough
liberalism,»
which the author described as a philosophy «more politically persuasive and substantively potent than either traditional
liberalism or traditional conservatism.»