"Modern liberals" refers to individuals who generally support progressive ideas and policies that promote social equality, tolerance, and the expansion of government involvement in addressing societal issues. They often advocate for various forms of social justice and prioritize the well-being of marginalized groups.
Full definition
It's certainly more in line with a lot
of modern liberal thought than modern conservative thought.
We leave to one side, for this review, extended reflections on the relationship of apocalyptic thinking to
modern liberal theology generally, but it is an issue worthy of some attention.
This debate is further evidence of religions ability to leverage
post modern liberal philosophy to the advantage of divisive groups.
The world's ambiguity is a central theme of
modern liberal consciousness, and the openness and tolerance required to confront it are central liberal values.
In fact, according to Hauerwas, democracy as it has evolved
in modern liberal societies probably can not work.
If we had a society full of Young Master Lockes — which we don't and can't — we would have almost no need for the apparatus of coercion and constraint (however limited it be) that constitutes the early
modern liberal state.
This trajectory suggests that the Balmesian tradition is largely correct to see the development of
modern liberal culture as an integral set of often anti-religious social structures, and to see this culture as closely linked to the dynamics of Christian division.
Feminist theorists have contended that hegemonic discourses in late
modern liberal discourse define and socialize adolescent young women as something less than we are: they move us from an experience of ourselves as agents to a relegation in a particular space defined by our relationships with men.
Conservatives (who are often
early modern liberals in outlook and temperament) sometimes look fondly at the purifying effects of «severe struggle,» substituting economic for natural battle.
To work patiently alongside people of other faiths is not an option invented
by modern liberals who seek to relativize the radical singleness of Jesus Christ and what was made possible through him.
Modern liberal Christianity believes that it can ignore the doctrine of original sin in its definition and attainment of the good, both individually and socially.
It's incorrect but the charge results from
how modern liberals tend to favour government intervention on poverty issues while conservatives focus more on opportunity; the latter just do a lousy job of connecting the dots for the public.
It's just incorrect, factually speaking, though I don't
expect modern liberal outlets such as CNN or their writers to care about facts or truth.
A similar fate has
overtaken modern liberal philosophical and theological schemas, (such as those of Hegel, Schleiermacher, Troeltsch and Rahner) on the relationship of Christianity to the other religions.
Modern liberal seekers found him unnecessarily complicated or downbeat, while Christians found his theology thin and secular.
«One of the effects of
modern liberal Protestantism has been gradually to turn religion into poetry and therapy, to make truth vaguer and vaguer and more and more relative, to banish intellectual distinctions, to depend on feeling instead of thought, and gradually to come to believe that God has no power, that he can not communicate with us, can not reveal himself to us, indeed has not done so and that religion is our own sweet invention» (p. 479).
Now, with breakdown of the socialist states, the crisis of
modern liberal nation states, and upheavals in traditional or semi-traditional despotic and authoritarian states, new questions are being raised in the emerging context of global market.
But Ober is more interested in
confronting modern liberal and post-liberal «democracy» with the genuine ancient ideal, the Athenian «people power» of the fifth and fourth centuries b.c., on which he has had so many original and persuasive things to say since publishing Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens in 1989.
Traditionalists inclined to agree with his thesis will certainly benefit from the deference Tubbs shows in
presenting modern liberal theory as it understands itself.
According to Radner,
modern liberal notions of human rights enabled the more authentic realization of Christian charity in history, most dramatically in the abolition of slavery.
Smirking, arrogant and entitled, he's almost the
perfect modern Liberal blueprint except for the fact he actually has talent and the desire to better himself.
The
characteristically modern liberal synthesis that arose privileged the protection of individuals, the promotion of their rights and the satisfaction of their needs, rather than the constitution of a community of equal citizens [4].
Modern Liberals like imported beer (with lime added), but most prefer white wine or imported bottled water.
Many modern liberals advocate a greater degree of government interference in the free market, often in the form of anti-discrimination laws, civil service examinations, universal education, and progressive taxation.
In my view, no thinker better highlights the necessity or dignity of intermediary associations (a conservative theme par excellence) nor provides a deeper account of the dependence of
modern liberal democracy upon the «moral capital» of premodern times.
The philosopher Charles Taylor has observed that a «politics of recognition» plays a significant role in the political psychology of
modern liberal culture.
According to Niebuhr, both
modern liberal Christianity and secular culture adopted the Renaissance answer to man's attainment of original righteousness.
The reasons are, first, that traditional religious thought has often assumed that sin is about all we need to be delivered from, and second,
modern liberal thought whether religious or psychological has often made sin too marginal a concept.
But, as he recognises,
in modern liberal society this is an unwelcome thought: for us, love is a useless risk.
Perhaps Mr. Anderson should consider drawing upon the moral and political wellsprings
of modern liberal democracy itself.
* It's telling of
the modern Liberals» more leftward tilt that Trudeau refers to the anti-pipeline side, rather than the pro- side, as his friends.
That's the problem with
the modern liberal left and the newer generations of morons infesting our country — no accountability, no sense of personal responsibility.