Some of this advantage was rooted in
moral analysis about shame and blame assigned to unmarried parents, in a construct from another era, regarding children born «out of wedlock», an old - fashioned and now seldom used expression.
Not exact matches
It lies at the heart of revisionist arguments
about sex, and these can not be assessed apart from an
analysis of the significance and adequacy of «the self» as a
moral notion.
As I have argued in these pages and elsewhere, the «presumption,» by detaching the just war way of thinking from its proper political context» the right use of sovereign public authority toward the end of tranquillitas ordinis, or peace» tends to invert the structure of classic just war
analysis and turn it into a thin casuistry, giving priority consideration to necessarily contingent in bello judgments (proportionality of means, discrimination or noncombatant immunity) over what were always understood to be the prior ad bellum questions («prior» in that, inter alia, we can have a greater degree of
moral clarity
about them).
However much we admire his
moral grandeur and accept the way of life he presented, are we in the last
analysis merely temporary inhabitants of a world that offers us much that helps and much that hurts, but a world that cares nothing
about us one way or the other?
As I thought I had made reasonably clear in my article, the just war way of thinking
about the
moral exigencies of world politics begins with a presumption for justice — a presumption that the magistrate has the
moral obligation to defend the common good, even at the risk of his own life — and then proceeds to a
moral analysis of the various means available for securing justice, which can include proportionate and discriminate armed force.
This seems to be the statute of limitations in the commentariat on radical
moral relativism and its «real world» political offspring — appeasement strategies,
moral equivalence theories, «root cause»
analyses of terrorism, nonsense
about «violence begetting violence,» and self - loathing anti-Americanism of the most vulgar sort.
The Chronicle of Higher Education and Change have been much concerned
about values recently, as have the American Association of Higher Education and the other Washington - based educational agencies; the Danforth Foundation recently held a workshop on values in liberal arts education, and the whole issue has been given academic credibility by programs in
moral development and in value
analysis at several universities.
And one could go on and on with this kind of
analysis, showing that fundamentalists have a fairly predictable — and common — structure in their
moral discourse, that their discourse contains certain distinctions
about self, knowledge, agency, authority, community, and the like.
In the Charter of the Moscow Noble Guesthouse (school for noblemen) the following literary activities were spread among the students: «speeches
about scientific and
moral subjects,
analyses of their own compositions,
analyses of the best Russian writers» (Ibidem, p. 435).
The fuss
about his environmental and economic
analysis has — in my view — obscured the most significant aspect of this encyclical: his observation that climate change has already created human victims, and his insistence that we all have a
moral obligation to help these vulnerable people.
(ii) Saying that the cost - benefit
analysis has to be performed on the basis of criteria from outside the sciences merely acknowledges the fact that the decision to choose among several ways of reacting to or anticipating climate changes invokes genuine
moral values that science can — and indeed should — be neutral
about.
There's lots of discussion around the blawgosphere
about the looting going on in Katrina's wake as well as lots of interesting
moral and legal
analysis.
Bronx, New York
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analysis and news from the Fordham University Center for Ethics Education, The Master of Arts in Ethics and Society provides students with a cross-disciplinary foundation in the application of
moral and ethical theory to social issues.