The right to life, to inviolability, to freedom is an indispensable part of
any moral order of society.»
Not exact matches
Then, said Murray, it might be up to Catholics to provide a
moral and theological rationale for the constitutional
order of a free
society.
According to the Kerner Commission's analysis, racist white America was similarly bereft
of moral resources, such that government, rather than the institutions
of civil
society that had been so central to the classic civil - rights movement, had to become the principal agent
of enforced social change in
order to deal with the crisis
of an America «moving toward two
societies... separate and unequal.»
Morals come from an evolved social construct, or set
of rules established by
society in
order for a group
of a species to work together in harmony for the greater good
of the group and therefore the individual.
Of course, liberalism is not literally becoming a religion — but it is approaching the question of society's moral order from the point of view of a dominant, established power that expects to command formal assent to its views in the public squar
Of course, liberalism is not literally becoming a religion — but it is approaching the question
of society's moral order from the point of view of a dominant, established power that expects to command formal assent to its views in the public squar
of society's
moral order from the point
of view of a dominant, established power that expects to command formal assent to its views in the public squar
of view
of a dominant, established power that expects to command formal assent to its views in the public squar
of a dominant, established power that expects to command formal assent to its views in the public square.
And a
society that believes this must, at least implicitly, embrace and subtly advocate a very particular
moral metaphysics: the unreality
of any «value» higher than choice, or
of any transcendent Good
ordering desire towards a higher end.
Though some intellectuals might be able to
order their lives around arbitrary
moral principles, the great mass
of society, Eliot thought, needed something more substantive.
Again and again such thoughtful writers as Alasdair MacIntyre and Robert Bellah tell us that
moral rectitude, fundamental truthfulness, and all
of the other virtues and skills that make us human depend upon
society: upon our having a lifelong place within a social
order and contemplating the historical «narrative» that defines the social
order.
Any
society in history will need structures which balance enhancement
of freedom and self - determination with checks on it by long - established legal and
moral traditions
of keeping power in the service
of order and mutual responsibility, as well as creation
of new structures
of public morality.
But «a
moral discussion is inconclusive and even trivial, if it leaves out the question
of its application,» as Gregory Vlastos has said.13 In
order to be as specific as possible about this approach to Christian social philosophy I shall outline in arbitrary fashion five general principles which I suggest can be supported by the evidence
of human experience as being necessary guides to the conditions under which the Good
Society can grow.
The restoration
of just
order is by its very nature a
moral protection
of society, but there is much to be said even if we consider only physical protection.
There would be no external standards
of what is right and wrong, just and unjust,
moral and immoral, by which its results could be judged; there would be no guarantee that, even in the absence
of outside intervention, globalization would be a benign process; and there would be no assurance that in a free
society, left to itself, we could count on an evolution
of moral beliefs to generate values which would continue to underpin the market
order.19
Secondly, Christians and Muslims need, together with members
of other faiths, to reflect on the values that they share and on the
moral basis
of a healthy
society and a just and peaceful international
order.
Therefore while keeping love as the essence
of humanness and, therefore, the criterion and goal
of all human endeavor, human
society today has to eschew utopianism and organize itself as power - structures based on a sense
of the
moral law
of structural justice and utilize even the coercive legal sanctions
of the state to preserve social peace and protect the weaker sections
of society in a balance
of order, freedom and justice.
In fact, those who find the tenets
of religion intellectually unconvincing often defend it on the grounds that it is essential in
order to preserve the
moral fabric
of society.
Therefore while keeping love as the essence
of humanness and therefore the criterion and goal
of all human endeavour, human
society today has to eschew utopianism and organize itself as power - structures based on a sense
of the
moral law
of structural justice and utilize even the coercive legal sanctions
of the State to preserve social peace and protect the weaker sections
of society in a balance
of order.
Further, I suggest that the guilt might sometimes be felt by AE2 when it forms a contrast which includes the crime - committing decision
of AE1 as well as the publicly observable consequences, if any, and finally, the goal
of continuing to achieve a
moral equilibrium in an
ordered society.
are necessary in a democratic
society in the interests
of public safety, for the protection
of public
order, health or
morals, or for the protection
of the rights and freedoms
of others (Art. 9 (2), ECHR)