Sentences with phrase «more labour party»

We know that more Labour Party members supported David Miliband for the leadership rather than Ed.

Not exact matches

To add to the uncertainty, Prime Minister Theresa May's handling of the negotiations could cost her her job — she could be replaced by a more «hardline» Tory leader or the Labour Party's leader, Jeremy Corbyn.

Britain's shocking decision to remove itself from the European Union brought more political turmoil Sunday as Scotland's leader threatened to block the move and the opposition Labour Party's leader faced a coup attempt from his own legislators.

Using third party companies, such as Foxconn in China, can provide access to labour that is cheaper and more efficient.

Christian political activist charity CARE has rebuked the Labour party for intervening in Northern Ireland's... More

The leaders of the Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat parties have written articles in the Church... More

A Christian Labour MP has received support from more than 100 MPs from across the political parties backing... more than 100 MPs from across the political parties backing... MoreMore

A Christian Labour MP tells Premier the party is enthusiastic about winning the election in June - even... More

Christians on the Left is urging the Labour Party to support its call for Syrian and Iraqi refugees to... More

The manifesto of the Labour Party has football more front and centre; while neither English football nor Labour are as uncomplicatedly working class as they once were, you're still far more likely to find a football fan on the red side of the argument.

Former British Labour Party MP Kevin McNamara, who has died aged 82, probably did more during his long political career than any other British politici -LRB-...)

If it isn't the Blue Labour position on migration, it is certainly a coherent position on migration - more than our party's current confused stance.

The phrase «the working class» appears more often than it would in the memoirs of a true Blairite (as in the other Blair), always as the description of a group in modern Britain who are downtrodden and defended by the Labour Party.

Perhaps more important was that the conference marked out the ground on which the parties are likely to try and fight the next election — the Conservatives will ask for time to finish the job of fixing the economy, Labour will focus on trying to reduce people's cost of living.

, built as it was from the emerging Labour movement, any more than Labour could «strangle» the environmental movement and Green Party or the Liberal Democrats (despite your best efforts: little sign of success post-1974); or any more than the LibDems could conceivably «destroy and replace» the Labour Party in the next decade or two.

So, I think, if anything, Labour will be pleased to hear that Cameron believes that the answer to the party's poll woes is to go still more relentlessly negative.

Rarely in the annals of Labour Party history has there been a more insignificant and futile event.

12:25 - Andy Sawford gets a lot of cheers for raising party funding, but Cameron is cheered even more for attacking Labour's union funding.

Turning to more serious matters, Mr Reid said he joined the Labour party, like most others, to see a «more equal and just society» - not to «fight a war against terrorists».

The Conservatives have received well over half of all party donations this year and far more than Labour and the Liberal Democrats combined.

The welfare uprating bill will try to force Labour on the «wrong» side of public opinion, while encouraging party populists like Liam Byrne to get into a firefight with the more left - wing elements.

It seems rather more plausible to me to say that where the Liberal Party failed to recognise its own enlightened self - interest was in failing to do more to hug close the labour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alllabour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alliance.

Ten per cent of respondents said Labour's tougher line on cuts would make them more likely to vote for the party but 13 % said it would make them less likely.

«For me, if the secular left suggests is allergic to any public role for faith, it seems to me to risk misunderstanding its own history - given that the foundation of the Labour Party did owe more to Methodism than Marxism - and to turn down the opportunity to build new alliances for social justice today.»

Regarding the UK, the issue seems to have become more relevant since Jeremy Corbyn was elected leader of the Labour Party.

More generally, the Labour Party has has always been a coalition of different ideologies and interests, and has never been a wholly liberal party, but it has often been an important advocate and vehicle of social liberaParty has has always been a coalition of different ideologies and interests, and has never been a wholly liberal party, but it has often been an important advocate and vehicle of social liberaparty, but it has often been an important advocate and vehicle of social liberalism.

«Liberal» then started to mean what it means now in the United States, meaning a preference for governmental involvement in things, et cetera (more like the Labour Party in the United Kingdom).

From the 1970s, Harriet campaigned for increased women's representation in the Labour Party - more women Labour councillors, more women Labour MPs and for a Labour leadership team of three of which at least one should be a woman.

The reason for this is that there are many more liberal parties in the UK Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» motions.

So, especially if there was ever a significant left of Labour party which was not the Greens, but more like Respect / SWP (which I personally doubt would have much support under PR), the other possibility is of a long - term fragmentation which makes any centrist Lab - Green - Lib or Tory - Lib coalition quite difficult.

To answer your question of why labour has a lot of power in parliament now, is that the conservatives can't pass bills on their own any more, and labour can influence individual bills by working with other parties.

What's more, the next election will also be fought on new boundaries and 50 fewer seats — unless Theresa May takes advantage of the turmoil in the Labour party and goes for a snap election in the autumn, as many are now expecting.

Citizen Corbyn, elected with more votes than the Tories have members as he's fond of warning sceptics, will parade his grassroots legitimacy at Labour's conference in Brighton next week where he's guaranteed a hero's welcome from the army of activists who feel this time they've really got their party back.

A major speech on the issue yesterday was preceded by heavy briefing that the Labour leader would be taking a more aggressive position in 2017 and that party apparatchiks would «let Corbyn be Corbyn».

«However, we believe that the prime minister's decision to call this election is a cynical decision driven more by the weakness of Corbyn's Labour Party rather than the good of the country.

There has never been a more important time for the Labour party to exist and to be firing on all cylinders.

This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more Leave voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (Labour, Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.

But aside from these calculations, the more fundamental point here is about party democracy, and who has and should have sovereignty in the Labour party.

A fellow - traveler in New York, Thomas Skidmore, soon followed with his own Workingmen's Party of New York, and wrote in his first message to its members that he, too, thought that the great evil was the rise of modern servitude in the form of wage labour: «For he, in all countries is a slave, who must work more for another than that other must work for him.

And now brown and Mandy run back to new labour to try and get the middle class to vote for it, new labour is nothing more then a Thatcherite party, and she lost and a Pray New labour is kicked out of power even if it means it never agains takes power

Research by grassroots website LibDemVoice.org found 55 % of party members want either a coalition deal with Labour or a more limited «confidence and supply» arrangement in which the Lib Dems prevent a Labour administration from falling.

The ebook is unashamedly iconoclastic — at least to those schooled in a more orthodox reading of Labour party history — but perhaps its most unexpected claim is to the mantle of conservatism.

But Graham is even more fascinated by the Labour leader's most fervent supporters and the way that the party appears to have transformed since Corbyn arrived on the scene.

In «The Political Animal» Paxman one points out how much more dynastic the Labour Party has been than the others Its easier for shall we say, a Toynbee, to be keen on redistribution.

Any attempt to emulate their Marxist language — apart from splitting up the Labour party — would undoubtedly be ridiculed in Britain, whereas such associations are more acceptable in Spanish politics.

Ultimately therefore the decision to extend voting rights to younger people will depend on both whether Labour wins the next election and crucially whether the party sees it as advantageous to increase its vote share slightly at the expense of becoming more reliant on a coalition of disparate interests.

The Labour Party's message to these voters is little more than «you're wrong».

In the last decades, the PvdA has moved to the center, opening up more space on the left for the Socialist Party as pure labour party and green parties such as GroenLinks and the Partij voor de DieParty as pure labour party and green parties such as GroenLinks and the Partij voor de Dieparty and green parties such as GroenLinks and the Partij voor de Dieren).

With so much of the 2015 UKIP vote now embedded in the Tory Coalition, and with Labour now more officially a party of soft Brexit, it is very difficult to see how the next election will play out.

Just when it seems the Scottish Labour Party can inflict no more damage upon itself, it finds a fresh appetite for pointless masochism.