Sentences with phrase «more labour led»

The split in labour was because reform would mean less Labour government alone, but more Labour led government through coalition.

Not exact matches

Lead time is more important than labour cost.»

With just over four weeks until Londoners cast their votes, an exclusive Opinium survey for the Evening Standard says Labour candidate Khan still enjoys a sizable lead and is more trusted than Conservative Goldsmith on the majority of key issues.

We have seen in our own case how liberalisation of financial markets has led to pressures to liberalise product markets (through ongoing tariff reductions and other forms), to bring more competition in the provision of infrastructures (such as transport, communications and power generation), and to free up the labour market (through, for example, enterprise - based wage bargaining).

It's lead to tens of thousands of Christians being incarcerated in labour camps, and thousands more keeping their faith in Christ a complete secret.

Advanced Dynamics Ltd, one of the leading filling and labelling systems suppliers in the UK, is expanding its presence at the PPMA Exhibition to show off even more machinery that can help boost production and reduce labour costs.

We've long offered a childbirth educator and / or doula - led complement of workshops to encourage a more informed choice of birth options from interventions, comfort measures in labour to delivery and breastfeeding classes.

Women who had midwife - led continuity models of care were more likely to experience no intrapartum analgesia / anaesthesia (average RR 1.21, 95 % CI 1.06 to 1.37; participants = 10,499; studies = seven), have a longer mean length of labour (hours)(mean difference (MD) 0.50, 95 % CI 0.27 to 0.74; participants = 3328; studies = three) and more likely to be attended at birth by a known midwife (average RR 7.04, 95 % CI 4.48 to 11.08; participants = 6917; studies = seven).

Women who feel more in control in the reading I have done relate it to things like ambulatory ability, acceptability of vocalising their pain, social control (i.e. who is present at the birth), environmental control and comfort — leading them to feel more mentally able to cope with labour and being more in control of themselves which is often highlighted as a definer of a good birth experience.

Lynch concluded «It would be helpful for this system to include more variables surrounding birth outcomes, for example VBAC (vaginal birth after caesarean section), maternal morbidity, setting, lead carer, use of syntocinin for augmentation of established labour and breastfeeding rates.

That has led us to a position where I think more than scraps have been delivered (where you give tnem less credit) but I agree with you that a coalition can not be rebuilt without clarity about what Labour stands for.

When canvassing, Labour's perceived «open - door» policy towards immigration led to more hostility than anything else (even though the idea that Labour even had an «open - door» policy is laughable).

«Labour's perceived «open - door» policy towards immigration led to more hostility than anything else (even though the idea that Labour even had an «open - door» policy is laughable).»

But McDonnell is proving to be more multi-layered than his caricature, seeking late in his career to match expediency with belief, gripped by the need to prove economic competence (he reads the findings of focus groups as avidly as New Labour's leading figures used to do), knows the importance of narrative and how George Osborne impressively framed one about how Labour crashed the car and should never be given the keys again.

The Welsh Secretary David Jones made a speech last night which resisted the constant demands from the Labour - led Government in Wales for more powers.

But they are likely to have more power to influence a Conservative - led government than a Labour one because the Con - Lib policy preference gap is greater than the Lab - Lib one, especially on Europe.

What is more, all those leads were bigger than any other Labour PNS lead while in opposition.

Jim Murphy's election as Scottish Labour leader two months ago did lead to a change in the party's fortunes in the polls, but he has more recently taken some interesting strategic positions.

He polled 1000 people by telephone in each of 16 different seats (15 Labour seats with 2010 leads over the SNP of at least 33 points but often 40 points or more; and 2 Lib Dem seats — Gordon and Inverness).

Voters are warming to the idea of an Ed Miliband - led government, and Labour is contacting more voters in local constituencies.

In London, Labour performed more strongly in boroughs where it already had a healthy lead over the Conservatives when the seats were last contested, in 2014.

Taking the most recent poll published by each pollster in the last week, we calculate the proportion showing a Conservative lead over Labour of more than 6 points as the pseudo-probability of a Conservative majority, but we allow polls with exactly a 6 point lead to contribute a 0.5 to the average.

With the exception of the 1992 local elections, which were held only a month after the general election, there were big leads — of 10 points or more — for Labour in the PNS for all the local elections between 1992 and 1997 general elections.

In 2013, the importance of overcoming this hurdle will be treated with a lot more seriousness than the ephemeral nature of Labour's current double - digit lead in opinion polls.

But what's certain is that Labour's lead at this point in the electoral cycle was more modest than Cameron's is now.

The impending boundary review, the deliberate disappearance of Labour voters from the electoral roll, the hopelessness of Scotland — all of which currently could lead to up to 10 years more in opposition.

At first, this does not appear to be a major change in the electoral fortunes of the parties but when we look at the revised national shares, the impact is more significant as this suggests that Labour and the Conservatives would be neck and neck in England & Wales rather than the 2.5 point lead the Conservatives actually had.

More than half of voters, forced to choose between the three, named David Cameron as the best Prime Minister, 17 points ahead of Ed Miliband, who led only among Labour voters and social group E (state pensioners, casual workers and those dependent on benefits — the group that is also least likely to vote).

If they signalled they wouldn't do so, two immediate points of interest come to mind: 1) If Labour were the largest party, or even in a whole UK majority, but the Tories were the largest rump UK party, the Liberal Democrats could more easily claim a renewed coalition with the Conservatives was preferable to a centre - left alliance, since a government that would lose its majority within a year would be unable to govern effectively; 2) A Labour or Labour - led government following a «yes» vote would have an incentive to push back the date of independence as far as possible.

In a nutshell, Labour lead UKIP by 29 points in Doncaster North, not twelve; Miliband leads Cameron as best PM by 14 points, not one point; Miliband's constituents would rather see him as PM than Cameron; they give him the highest ratings of the four main party leaders, not the third highest; and they trust Miliband and Balls more on the economy than Cameron and Osborne, not the reverse.

Alexander writes that in spite of what he describes as «the rise of the rest in 2014», the battle for Downing Street in 2015 «remains a binary choice between the change we need and can deliver with a Labour government — or more of the same failure that we have suffered under this Tory - led government».

David Cameron and Osborne remain more trusted than Labour's Ed Miliband and Ed Balls, and the Tories lead consistently on being the party willing to take tough decisions for the long term.

According to the Financial Times: «his views — higher taxes, mass nationalisation, more welfare, more borrowing — are seen as toxic by New Labour veterans, who prophesy a repeat of Michael Foot's disastrous leadership in the early 1980s that led to a landslide 1983 election victory for Margaret Thatcher».

But for party finance reform more generally, the asymmetric effects of these changes are such that a future Labour or Labour - led government may exact some form of «revenge», either though excessively partisan measures or through a root and branch reform of party finance regardless of any opposition from the Conservative Party.

Labour held onto their councillors here and their vote share improved, but their lead over the Tories has been slashed from more than 13 % to less than five percent as Ukip implodes.

A Populus poll for the Times showed a more modest four - point lead for Labour, with the opposition on 38 % (down one) and the main governing party on 34 % (down three).

All the parties are busy viewing the outcome through a Westminster constituency lens, leading the Scottish Conservatives to believe they could win as many as 15 seats next month and, perhaps even more ambitiously, Scottish Labour an additional seven.

What we can see, however, is that a 30 % Labour lead has shrunk to ten per cent - that's a big swing, only a small part of which is explained by the Tories fielding more candidates this time around.

Ed Miliband and - to a lesser, possibly non-existent extent - Ed Balls wanted a judge - led inquiry (broader, independent, more «Labour - on - the - front - foot»).

Part of the reason for this, London's leading Labour MEP Claude Moraes explained, is because getting the pro-European message across is that much more difficult.

However, the Labour candidate's support was largely made up of younger voters, while Goldsmith retains a commanding lead with older voting groups which have historically been more likely to get to the ballot box.

Labour's lead — usually in the double digits — has fallen to five per cent, but the movement comes from voters returning to the Tories or confirming it made them more likely to vote, rather than any influx of Liberal Democrat or Labour voters.

Temporary blip or not, if they start to record poll leads over the Conservatives then the pressure really would be on the Tories and the media narrative would be even more in Labour's favour.

I would still expect their support to be squeezed as we get closer to the election, as the race focuses more upon the binary choice between a Conservative and Labour led government but events, such as further defections now a by - election is no longer unavoidable, could easily push that off course.

It's probably more a case of a desire to be led from the front, for him to deploy against the Government the ruthlessness he showed by denying Ed Balls the shadow Chancellor's post and ousting Nick Brown as Labour's chief whip.

Of course, all polls are subject to a margin of error so with our polls showing a Labour lead of around 5 points on average, these figures aren't necessarily any more meaningful than the narrow 2 point Labour lead one of our polls recorded this week.

And from the red corner Lord Mandelson is leading a Labour fightback, more - or-less accusing the Conservatives of a conspiracy to break the law.

The crisis has led to realisation among Labour figures that government must support enterprise more robustly, Mr Miliband will admit.

They took more votes from the Tories, whose lead over Labour halved to five per cent.

Ed Miliband, the Labour leader has been warned by leading Labour figures including Dagenham MP Jon Cruddas that he risks missing a huge opportunity to make Labour more democratic and ensure ordinary party members» views are heard in planned reforms.