Sentences with phrase «more labour voters»

Turnout was increased, but it appears far more Labour voters turned out than in previously local elections.
The boundary changes haven't made a vast difference to the seat directly, although there may be more Labour voters in the newly added part of the seat.
The logical consequence of Labour slumping to third place in some polls would be for more Labour voters to start voting tactically just as they once routinely expected Lib Dems to, and the leftwing think tank Compass is now actively debating this idea.
«This independence guarantee is undoubtedly a major factor in persuading more and more Labour voters and members to vote Yes.»

Not exact matches

I clearly need to listen more to my wife, who thought that Brexit would happen, that Trump would win and that the UK media was materially underestimating Labour's support among British voters.
More recently, Labour MP Andy Burnham characterised the ethos of Britain Stronger In Europe, the official campaign to keep Britain in the EU, as «too much Hampstead and not enough Hull», lamenting the group's inability to appeal to voters in Labour's traditional heartlands.
The Labour leader is backed by only 16 % of voters, while more than a third (35 %) say they can't choose between them.
Despite introducing a more flexible electoral registration system, Labour failed to stem the collapse in the numbers of voters who are missing from registers.
This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more Leave voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (Labour, Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.
The Tories may have polled two million more votes than Labour, but at least half of that difference can be attributed to differential turnouts, and most of the rest to missing voters.
The Labour Party's message to these voters is little more than «you're wrong».
So you could argue that the current system is actually biased against Labour, and therefore PR will actually disadvantage Labour even more unless rates of voter registration are improved and compulsory voting introduced.
Brexit is in some respects an even more potent issue for them because it brings together a wider group of the electorate, with pro-EU Conservatives and Labour voters wondering how to reverse the march towards the cliff's edge.
But the collapse of UKIP demonstrated, with many voters turning to Labour, that the problem was more fundamental.
What Labour needs is a new social democratic revisionism, that heavily focuses on restructuring the welfare state, to unite communitarian and cosmopolitan voters, in an era of globalization, high inequalities, increased demands for choice, and an ageing population This requires applying the principles of solidarity, reciprocity and individual empowerment, in relation to reforming the welfare state, to make it more effective at tackling poverty and providing economic security, and to satisfy rising demands for choice.
Indeed, Labour gained some seats without even canvassing last year, such was the level of enthusiasm among voters based on little more than viral Facebook videos and a pledge to build a fairer Britain.
If I'd have been on your side would have made this about Cameron much more, that would have helped with Labour voters.
More telling could be results coming in from Stockport and Salford, where Leave are expected to do well among traditional Labour voters.
With Cameron victorious, Scottish voters are now more likely to think that only the SNP can stand up for them, especially since Labour in Westminster is talking about «moving to the centre ground `.
These figures suggest that for Labour to win back the voters they have lost to the SNP since 2010, they should take a strong positive stance of further devolution and more generally be seen to stand up for Scotland's interests.
One of the key patterns in last year's general election results was a tendency for those who voted Remain to swing more to Labour than those who voted Leave, while the Conservatives lost ground amongst Remain voters while advancing amongst their Leave counterparts.
Well I suspect if David does win the Labour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of CaLabour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Calabour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Cameron.
He can either make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or he can fight an election knowing that most voters do not believe Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential voters fear Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
It won't make Labour any more popular among the voters it needs to save its marginal seats at the election.»
The challenge for Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and because less partisan Labour voters are more likely than Conservatives to split their vote.
A declared Conservative columnist in Tueuday's FT — Janan Ganesh — is saying that a weak economy is more likely to result in a Conservative win at the general election since voters would be more inclined to risk another Labour government if the economy is performing strongly.
With many left leaning 2010 Liberal Democrat voters having switched to Labour, Greens and even UKIP, their voter base will also be much more right wing.
Voters are warming to the idea of an Ed Miliband - led government, and Labour is contacting more voters in local constitueVoters are warming to the idea of an Ed Miliband - led government, and Labour is contacting more voters in local constituevoters in local constituencies.
But scores that BES respondents gave on 0 (strongly dislike) to 10 (strongly like) scales for each of the parties show that both Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters more strongly prefer their own party over Labour than they prefer Labour over the SNP.
Whether the voters believe Labour or not is another matter, but I think the fact that the spokesman is someone who was a Government rebel on 90 days, and who has been a target of surveillance himself, make Labour's position that little bit more credible.
So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much more from former Conservative voters than from Labour or the Liberal Democrats.
That would not only create more jobs, cost less and make life immediately easier for so many more people — it would help Labour's key constituency of voters.
Along with the shadow chancellor, Ed Balls, Reeves represents a northern seat and believes the party has to do more to recognise key Labour voters» concerns about immigration and welfare.
63 % of Labour voters, 52 % of Liberal Democrat voters and 25 % of Conservative voters said they would be more likely to vote for such a party.
Unless Miliband could present the public with a bigger and more inspiring message, Axelrod told him, it would be impossible to regain the support of the white working - class voters who were deserting the Labour party.
He argues that to win the next election, Ed Miliband needs to make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or fight an election knowing that most voters do not believe Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential voters fear Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
Separate YouGov research finds that up to Friday, Labour had contacted more voters locally than the Tories, in person, by phone, via leaflets and by email.
After all, Labour have got more seats to lose than the Tories and disillusioned Labour voters are likely to be highly responsive to a «Mansion Tax».
The second major way in which the former Labour now SNP voters are distinct is by being much more left - wing on a variety of economic values and issues.
Although his performance during the election campaign improved voter perceptions somewhat, he still lagged way behind David Cameron, who, unlike the Labour leader, is more popular than his party.
It remains to be seen whether voters (perhaps particularly parents and grandparents) will appreciate a fee reduction enough to entice them to vote Labour, or whether accusations of fiscal responsibility from the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats will prove more damaging.
Perhaps as importantly, it is also possible that downplaying the Conservative brand will make it more palatable for former Labour voters to vote for local Conservative candidates, when framed as a choice between the two leaders.
The cynical assumption that Labour is following a 35 % strategy of cruising to victory on the back of disillusioned Lib Dem voters and austerity politics appears more convincing by the day.
More subtly, for a number of reasons (including to a greater or lesser extent, Brexit) Labour has generally been gaining votes from the young and those in high social class jobs and areas which voted remain in 2016, while losing votes from older voters, those in lower social class occupations and those who voted leave.
The impending boundary review, the deliberate disappearance of Labour voters from the electoral roll, the hopelessness of Scotland — all of which currently could lead to up to 10 years more in opposition.
[1] More generally, the key voters are Labour supporters who are voting in the local / devolved parliament elections and who aren't interested in electoral reform.
More specifically, undecided voters fear that Labour would spend and borrow more than the country can affMore specifically, undecided voters fear that Labour would spend and borrow more than the country can affmore than the country can afford.
What seems to have happened is that between 2010 and 2012 UKIP took votes mainly from the Conservatives, but between 2012 and 2014 they have had more success in attracting Labour voters.
According to Professor Sir John Curtice Labour's vote was up on average by as much as 11 points in wards where more than 35 per cent of voters are aged between 18 and 34, and up by just 4 per cent where the proportion of younger voters is less than 20 per cent.
Voters are much more likely to see Labour as the party that understands and cares about ordinary people.
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