Turnout was increased, but it appears far
more Labour voters turned out than in previously local elections.
The boundary changes haven't made a vast difference to the seat directly, although there may be
more Labour voters in the newly added part of the seat.
The logical consequence of Labour slumping to third place in some polls would be for
more Labour voters to start voting tactically just as they once routinely expected Lib Dems to, and the leftwing think tank Compass is now actively debating this idea.
«This independence guarantee is undoubtedly a major factor in persuading more and
more Labour voters and members to vote Yes.»
Not exact matches
I clearly need to listen
more to my wife, who thought that Brexit would happen, that Trump would win and that the UK media was materially underestimating
Labour's support among British
voters.
More recently,
Labour MP Andy Burnham characterised the ethos of Britain Stronger In Europe, the official campaign to keep Britain in the EU, as «too much Hampstead and not enough Hull», lamenting the group's inability to appeal to
voters in
Labour's traditional heartlands.
The
Labour leader is backed by only 16 % of
voters, while
more than a third (35 %) say they can't choose between them.
Despite introducing a
more flexible electoral registration system,
Labour failed to stem the collapse in the numbers of
voters who are missing from registers.
This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain
more Leave
voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (
Labour, Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens) on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.
The Tories may have polled two million
more votes than
Labour, but at least half of that difference can be attributed to differential turnouts, and most of the rest to missing
voters.
The
Labour Party's message to these
voters is little
more than «you're wrong».
So you could argue that the current system is actually biased against
Labour, and therefore PR will actually disadvantage
Labour even
more unless rates of
voter registration are improved and compulsory voting introduced.
Brexit is in some respects an even
more potent issue for them because it brings together a wider group of the electorate, with pro-EU Conservatives and
Labour voters wondering how to reverse the march towards the cliff's edge.
But the collapse of UKIP demonstrated, with many
voters turning to
Labour, that the problem was
more fundamental.
What
Labour needs is a new social democratic revisionism, that heavily focuses on restructuring the welfare state, to unite communitarian and cosmopolitan
voters, in an era of globalization, high inequalities, increased demands for choice, and an ageing population This requires applying the principles of solidarity, reciprocity and individual empowerment, in relation to reforming the welfare state, to make it
more effective at tackling poverty and providing economic security, and to satisfy rising demands for choice.
Indeed,
Labour gained some seats without even canvassing last year, such was the level of enthusiasm among
voters based on little
more than viral Facebook videos and a pledge to build a fairer Britain.
If I'd have been on your side would have made this about Cameron much
more, that would have helped with
Labour voters.
More telling could be results coming in from Stockport and Salford, where Leave are expected to do well among traditional
Labour voters.
With Cameron victorious, Scottish
voters are now
more likely to think that only the SNP can stand up for them, especially since
Labour in Westminster is talking about «moving to the centre ground `.
These figures suggest that for
Labour to win back the
voters they have lost to the SNP since 2010, they should take a strong positive stance of further devolution and
more generally be seen to stand up for Scotland's interests.
One of the key patterns in last year's general election results was a tendency for those who voted Remain to swing
more to
Labour than those who voted Leave, while the Conservatives lost ground amongst Remain
voters while advancing amongst their Leave counterparts.
Well I suspect if David does win the
Labour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Ca
Labour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new
labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Ca
labour and
more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing
voters and a few Thatcherite
voters still not sure of Cameron.
He can either make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or he can fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential
voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend
more than the country can afford.
It won't make
Labour any
more popular among the
voters it needs to save its marginal seats at the election.»
The challenge for
Labour is that most splitting occurs between ideologically adjacent parties, and because less partisan
Labour voters are
more likely than Conservatives to split their vote.
A declared Conservative columnist in Tueuday's FT — Janan Ganesh — is saying that a weak economy is
more likely to result in a Conservative win at the general election since
voters would be
more inclined to risk another
Labour government if the economy is performing strongly.
With many left leaning 2010 Liberal Democrat
voters having switched to
Labour, Greens and even UKIP, their
voter base will also be much
more right wing.
Voters are warming to the idea of an Ed Miliband - led government, and Labour is contacting more voters in local constitue
Voters are warming to the idea of an Ed Miliband - led government, and
Labour is contacting
more voters in local constitue
voters in local constituencies.
But scores that BES respondents gave on 0 (strongly dislike) to 10 (strongly like) scales for each of the parties show that both Conservative and Liberal Democrat
voters more strongly prefer their own party over
Labour than they prefer
Labour over the SNP.
Whether the
voters believe
Labour or not is another matter, but I think the fact that the spokesman is someone who was a Government rebel on 90 days, and who has been a target of surveillance himself, make
Labour's position that little bit
more credible.
So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much
more from former Conservative
voters than from
Labour or the Liberal Democrats.
That would not only create
more jobs, cost less and make life immediately easier for so many
more people — it would help
Labour's key constituency of
voters.
Along with the shadow chancellor, Ed Balls, Reeves represents a northern seat and believes the party has to do
more to recognise key
Labour voters» concerns about immigration and welfare.
63 % of
Labour voters, 52 % of Liberal Democrat
voters and 25 % of Conservative
voters said they would be
more likely to vote for such a party.
Unless Miliband could present the public with a bigger and
more inspiring message, Axelrod told him, it would be impossible to regain the support of the white working - class
voters who were deserting the
Labour party.
He argues that to win the next election, Ed Miliband needs to make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential
voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend
more than the country can afford.
Separate YouGov research finds that up to Friday,
Labour had contacted
more voters locally than the Tories, in person, by phone, via leaflets and by email.
After all,
Labour have got
more seats to lose than the Tories and disillusioned
Labour voters are likely to be highly responsive to a «Mansion Tax».
The second major way in which the former
Labour now SNP
voters are distinct is by being much
more left - wing on a variety of economic values and issues.
Although his performance during the election campaign improved
voter perceptions somewhat, he still lagged way behind David Cameron, who, unlike the
Labour leader, is
more popular than his party.
It remains to be seen whether
voters (perhaps particularly parents and grandparents) will appreciate a fee reduction enough to entice them to vote
Labour, or whether accusations of fiscal responsibility from the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats will prove
more damaging.
Perhaps as importantly, it is also possible that downplaying the Conservative brand will make it
more palatable for former
Labour voters to vote for local Conservative candidates, when framed as a choice between the two leaders.
The cynical assumption that
Labour is following a 35 % strategy of cruising to victory on the back of disillusioned Lib Dem
voters and austerity politics appears
more convincing by the day.
More subtly, for a number of reasons (including to a greater or lesser extent, Brexit)
Labour has generally been gaining votes from the young and those in high social class jobs and areas which voted remain in 2016, while losing votes from older
voters, those in lower social class occupations and those who voted leave.
The impending boundary review, the deliberate disappearance of
Labour voters from the electoral roll, the hopelessness of Scotland — all of which currently could lead to up to 10 years
more in opposition.
[1]
More generally, the key
voters are
Labour supporters who are voting in the local / devolved parliament elections and who aren't interested in electoral reform.
More specifically, undecided voters fear that Labour would spend and borrow more than the country can aff
More specifically, undecided
voters fear that
Labour would spend and borrow
more than the country can aff
more than the country can afford.
What seems to have happened is that between 2010 and 2012 UKIP took votes mainly from the Conservatives, but between 2012 and 2014 they have had
more success in attracting
Labour voters.
According to Professor Sir John Curtice
Labour's vote was up on average by as much as 11 points in wards where
more than 35 per cent of
voters are aged between 18 and 34, and up by just 4 per cent where the proportion of younger
voters is less than 20 per cent.
Voters are much
more likely to see
Labour as the party that understands and cares about ordinary people.