Ed Miliband argues that his newly - discovered support for a graduate tax, opposition to ID cards and his previously secret conclusion that the Iraq war was a «profound mistake» make him the ideal person to attract even
more LibDem supporters away from the Coalition (YouGov again had Clegg's party at 12 % overnight).
Not exact matches
, built as it was from the emerging Labour movement, any
more than Labour could «strangle» the environmental movement and Green Party or the Liberal Democrats (despite your best efforts: little sign of success post-1974); or any
more than the
LibDems could conceivably «destroy and replace» the Labour Party in the next decade or two.
Uncle Petie I hope
LibDems (especially those with an instinct for either social democratic or
LibDem traditions) would not take the view that «
more egalitarian reformed (liberal) market outcomes» will make redistribution unnecessary.
On 1, I have no doubt 75 % + or
more of
LibDems prefer a Labour coalition if all other things were equal.
If that is right - others will have read the reports
more closely, so am open to correction on this - then plaudits to the HIMC but also the question of why parliamentary scrutiny should fall quite far short of what we might reasonably expect, (and despite some rather effective evidence gathering particularly by the
LibDem parliamentarians).
PS, I think the answer to «Why aren't there be
more Tories around the
LibDem fringe?»
I can't see the
Libdem grassroots taking too nicely to the idea to be honest, unless New Labour drop a lot
more civil liberties projects and simplify the notoriously bad tax system.
In local authorities elsewhere, where Labour has been in power for 25 years or
more, the
LibDems have (very properly IMO) challenged this as entrenched power and called for change.
OK, that may be a slighly unrealistic wish but I think there are
more things that should unite Labour and
LibDem supporters than divide them, even if not all of them see it like that (it always amazes me how much some Labour supporters despise the
LibDems, I don't know to what extent the feeling is reciprocated).
@ 12 Bob B «But there is even
more about the local
LibDems» Do nt be a tease Bob, what could possibly be worse then cigarette running or invoking an imaginary sky god?
The
LibDems and SNP, who are both
more anti-Brexit than Labour, would demand key concessions from Corbyn on EU membership as conditions for power - sharing.
LibDems could claim they got
more out of a Coalition than supply or confidence, in the Agreement itself (when they held a veto).
The
LibDem proposal may be
more intuitively electorally appealing than spending a much smaller amount on current tax credits for greater impact.
The economy may have played stronger as an argument in the old Conservative heartlands, and some of the
LibDem ones, where the recovery is
more apparent and deprivation less so.
This was a policy
more progressive than Labour's own points - based system, which may not have been known or understood by much of the electorate, whereas the
LibDem's policy was widely known.
Brian Binley urged Cameron to rethink policies that are too
LibDem - friendly while Jackie Doyle - Price said that some of UKIP's messages were
more appealing to Tory voters than Cameron's policies.
That decision created even
more problems for the
LibDems in Scotland than in England.
The seat is held by
LibDem Daniel Rogerson with a notional majority of
more than 5000 votes due to boundary changes.
Welsh Conservatives showed at the recent Assembly elections that we can challenge the
LibDems in what is perceived to be their territory and win
more votes than them.
The
LibDems remain subdued below 20 % but there are few signs that the Conservatives are poised to win back many of the thirty and
more seats lost to the
LibDems at recent elections.
That is why
more voters unhappy with Labour are now voting Tory rather than
LibDem.
This is but reason that makes the
LibDem position so bizarre - there are loads
more.
These shadow ministers believe that - contrary to Labour's «under - delivery» to the
LibDems - the Conservatives should deliver
more in practical co-operation in government than they promise in opposition.»
LibDem voters are even
more pro-EU (79 - 21), while on the other hand of the spectrum, UKIP voters are perfectly aligned with their party's position (97 % support Leave).
If Ed Miliband's party is
more popular than Labour was at the last election — as, with 2 million
LibDem voters having switched to Labour, it undoubtedly is — it is difficult to see how Cameron's gamble could pay off.
I would campaign for a red - yellow deal including electoral reform and an agreed manifesto, were it possible, both now and (perhaps
more realistically) in the event of a hung parliament, and for Labour to have a manifesto which did not contain coalition red lines for the
LibDems, as that would.
I am
more worried about east Anglia, where we have lost council seats to the
LibDems and even when we retained those seats, there has been large swings away from us to
LibDems.
David Laws is a known orange booker in the
libdems, and some in that party regard them
more as «conservatives» than Liberals!
Sunder also notes that the anti-politicians message meant some politicians wouldn't promote Yes leaflets: «There were examples of
LibDem MPs who were not prepared to distribute national Yes literature, promoting messages to their own constituents that they needed a kick up the backside, though Labour reaction was probably considerably
more hostile still.
The Scottish
LibDems were correctly seen as
more innovative than their partners — not difficult when that was Scottish Labour.
I thought John Denham's account a year ago very plausible - on the Fabian panel you spoke on - that Labour wasn't in a position to make a deal, but that the
LibDem leadership anyway thought the Con - LD deal
more legitimate, given the result, though saw the advantages of negotiation, such as getting us this referendum opportunity.
Being in uneasy alliance if a Huhne - Cable - Farron axis assert
more control over
LibDem policy may get trickier, but Vince doesn't hate the Prime Minister anything like as viscerally as some of the 1922.
Opponents of Lib - Con deal - making often complain that it can make
LibDems appear
more reasonable to voters and therefore undermine Tory campaigning in Lib - Con marginals.
You claim: «It's also highly inconsistent to tell me all voters start with a blank slate, but then to insist that
LibDems are
more likely to second preference Labour.»
That is why the
Libdems are being relentlessly squeezed - as the Conservatives become
more and
more electable,
Libdems are irrelevant to the real political battle.
Bristol South is Labour seat with a projected majority of 11,142 over the
LibDems and approximately 1,200
more over the Conservatives.
Vince Cable rightly castigates top pay excesses — and to give him credit, no - one else in this government of millionaires is doing so — but the solutions he put forward yesterday to the
LibDem conference are worth little
more than a bucket of warm spit.
Prior to the 2010 general election, the
LibDems offered a programme
more suited to the medium and long range interests of capital.
The need for Labour to attract current conservative voters to win an election, let alone UKIP ones who had previously voted labour, seemed important a year ago, now keeping current Labour voters, from either holding their nose and voting Tory or Liberal Democrat, is
more of a long way off goal, our core demographic of voters a year ago, were socially liberal, economically conservative, mainly pro EU, ones who would see the Liberal Democrats as a natural choice, many may have voted
Libdem in 2005 and later, only to return to us due to the coalition.
The EU scepticism of Social Democrats of Tom Harris, David Owen, have known not to merge with the
Libdems, having not voted for Labours manifesto to leave the EU in 1983, finding they have
more in Common with Centrist Brexit Labour MPs such as John Cryer, just as EU sceptic Labour MPs Gisela Staurt and Kate Hoey have common ground with those M.P.s loyal to the party, Angela Eagle, Andy Burnham and Louisiana Berger.
Stay in there while Labour loses votes & seats & The
Libdems rebuild, waste
more time.
I am not calling for a Labour split, it makes
more sense for Labour Centrists to join The
Libdems where you would be welcome but chances of a split succeeding are much better now than in the 1980s.
Few people have an opinion of Nick Clegg but 19 % say he makes them
more likely to vote
LibDem, 6 % say less likely.
I would then Classify the views of Cooper to be much
more in line with the «Socially Liberal, pro EU» Labour member / supporter who's views don't currently fit in with the Labour leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, but
more with the «Core vote, possible
Libdem» voter who could be attracted to a new centre party.
One would have thought that, with the
LibDems trailing at 10 % in the polls and likely to end up after the next election with little
more than 10 MPs, and with Labour leading the Tories by a solid 10 % in the polls, we should be going flat - out for an outright Labour victory.
Labour didn't hold the majority of its 2010 vote, we lost at least 1.5 m of it, to with stories or Ukip, maybe
more, and yes we did get back ex
libDem votes, all those Billybragg types at the guardian who voted libDem last time, to see their party in coalition with the Tories, So saying that labour never lost votes to Ukip is daft, we did and the libdem vote only stabiliz
libDem votes, all those Billybragg types at the guardian who voted
libDem last time, to see their party in coalition with the Tories, So saying that labour never lost votes to Ukip is daft, we did and the libdem vote only stabiliz
libDem last time, to see their party in coalition with the Tories, So saying that labour never lost votes to Ukip is daft, we did and the
libdem vote only stabiliz
libdem vote only stabilized it,
Less than half the Ukip vote came from the Tories if it did, then, the Tories getting
more votes than last time, couldn't have got all their increased votes ex
libdems
According to Tim Montgomerie on Conservative Home, the poll also shows that «24 % told GfK NOP that they would prefer Charles Kennedy to return as leader and slightly
more (7 %) preferred
LibDem Home Affairs spokesman Nick Clegg to the embattled Sir Menzies (6 %)», though I'm not sure what sort of question or structure this was in response to.