Not exact matches
In recent months, those voters have consolidated their support behind another freshman senator, Texas» Ted Cruz, whose own belief and rhetoric
more closely aligns with the state's
conservative strain of
evangelical Christianity.
«So at this point, traditional Mormons,
evangelical Protestants and
conservative Catholics have
more in common with one another politically than they do with the
more liberal elements within their respective churches.»
The tendency of contemporary
evangelicals to appeal to tradition to support
conservative positions would be checked by Wesley's far
more selective use of tradition, and much greater openness to current evidence.
But this is
more because
evangelicals have adopted a
conservative stance than because of their
evangelical heritage from Wesley.
When you look at the GOP or the
more conservative Tea Party section of the American, of course
evangelicals are going to hold a widely diverse group of opinions.
Having grown up in the
conservative evangelical subculture that cast salvation as little
more than a ticket out of hell that you cash in on Judgment Day, I've personally been enthralled and challenged by the emerging church's perspective on the Kingdom of God.
I grew up
conservative evangelical but over the last few years have become a
more progressive Christian.
A few courageous, high profile
evangelical pastors will publicly assume a
more loving and welcoming posture toward the gay community, drawing the wrath of
conservatives but providing a glimmer of hope to gay Christians who long for the chance to worship alongside their brothers and sisters in Christ without fear.
I've seen this in my own life as my frustrations with the
conservative evangelical culture in which I grew up cause me to dismiss its proponents with
more anger and disdain than those of any other faith.
Three
conservative evangelical groups within the Church of England are combining strengths to show unity...
More
The evidence for this phenomenon is incontestable: the influx of non «SBC
evangelical scholars into Baptist seminaries; the changing of the name of the Baptist Sunday School Board to the
more generic LifeWay Christian Resources; the presence and high profile of non «Baptist leaders on SBC platforms, e.g., the closing message at the 1998 SBC delivered by Dr. James Dobson, a Nazarene; the aggressive participation of the SBC's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission as an advocate for the
conservative side of the culture wars conflict; new patterns of cooperation between SBC mission boards and
evangelical ministries such as Promise Keepers, Campus Crusade for Christ, the National Association of
Evangelicals, Prison Fellowship, and World Vision.
While it is difficult to draw exact parallels, this division between liberals and
evangelicals affected Catholics and Jews as well, leading to a time when it was less important that you were Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish, and
more important that you were
conservative or liberal in your faith.
Conservative churches turn out to be indirectly ensuring the survival of liberal churches this way a proportion of their ordinands become
more liberal and go on to pastor liberal congregations, or turn
evangelical churches into liberal ones.
David Hubbard, for example, in his taped remarks on the future of evangelicalism to a colloquium at
Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary in Denver in 1977 noted the following areas of tension among
evangelicals: women's ordination, the charismatic movement, ecumenical relations, social ethics, strategies of evangelism, Biblical criticism, Biblical infallibility, contextual theology in non-Western cultures, and the churchly applications of the behavioral sciences.2 If such a list is
more exhaustive than those topics which this book has pursued, it nevertheless makes it clear that the foci of the preceding chapters have at least been representative.
«Barack Obama will unite
conservatives and people of faith
more so than any single Republican candidate can hope to do,» said Mat Staver, an
evangelical Christian who leads the
conservative legal group Liberty Counsel.
«2 The diversity which Henry, as one of modern evangelicalism's founders, laments has been noted
more positively by Richard Quebedeaux in his book The Young
Evangelicals - Revolution in Orthodoxy.3 In this book Quebedeaux offers a typology for the
conservative wing of the Protestant church, differentiating Separatist Fundamentalism (Bob Jones University, Carl McIntire) from Open Fundamentalism (Biola College, Hal Lindsey), Establishment Evangelicalism (Christianity Today, Billy Graham) from the New Evangelicalism (Fuller Theological Seminary, Mark Hatfield), and all of these from the Charismatic Movement which cuts into orthodox, as well as ecumenical liberal and Roman Catholic constituencies.
Most Helpful: Kathy Escobar with «8 ways those from
more liberal - progressive and
conservative -
evangelical persuasions can better love each other»
George W. Bush won a third of the
evangelical vote in Iowa in 2000, splitting that vote with Steve Forbes and
more explicitly social
conservative candidates like Gary Bauer and Alan Keyes.
Perhaps
conservative evangelicals run the risk of being needlessly dogmatic on some issues, thereby alienating the next generation, while progressives are in danger of giving up so much historic doctrine that their faith is starting to look
more like Campolo's humanism than historic Christianity.
The only demographics that broke for Trump
more than white
evangelicals were Republican men (90 %), Republican women (89 %), and
conservatives (81 %).
For instance,
more orthodox
Evangelical and Mainline Protestants will have to learn to cooperate among themselves, as well as with traditionalist Catholics and Jews, and with other religious
conservatives, such as Mormons.
At the same time, many old - style
conservative evangelicals have warned that postliberal theology is but the latest manifestation of a deadly neo-orthodoxy, which is all the
more pernicious for its seeming affinity with
conservative aims.
I would even go so far as to say that any
conservative evangelical who approves waterboarding or similar measures does so because he / she is
more conservative than Christian.
(1)
Evangelicals, the
more conservative the
more dumb... so easy to hoodwink..
Though you have to consider that Lutheran's have two synods: The Missouri Synod and
Evangelical Church of America, one is very socially
conservative and latter is growing
more like the Lutheran Church in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Germany.
Third, in view of scattered signs among some
evangelicals of an awakening concern about national and world problems, can all of us in churches — liberal as well as
conservative, laity as well as clergy — have the grace to seize every opportunity for dialogue, to the end that we may begin to realize that behind our pluralism lies a God - inspired hunger for a better,
more just world?
White
Evangelicals are
more conservative on abortion, homosexuality, and other so - called «family issues» than are most Americans.
There was no exit poll for Buchanan's strong showing in the 1996 Iowa caucuses, but by eyeballing his numbers in New Hampshire and making adjustments for the
more evangelical and
conservative turnout model for the caucuses, we can guess that Buchanan's Iowa support came largely from religious
conservatives and pro-lifers.
In fact (and somewhat ironically), the missionary enthusiasm present in The Christian Message for the World — an enthusiasm engendered by liberal Christian expectations of the rapidly evolving «Kingdom of God» — is today represented
more consistently by
conservative and so - called «
evangelical» Christians, who look to the twenty - first century in rather the same way the Liberals looked to the twentieth: as «The Christian Century.»
It's simple as this, Rick Santorum appeals to the less educated, extremely
conservative and
more bigot minded segment of rural America, which is largely dominated by Born again
evangelicals, who as the article points out have a misguided view that that Mormons aren't Christian, and in their misguided bigotry seem to be voting against Romney based upon their religion rather than for a good candidate who can win the general election.
(24) The CBN organization in 1978 was drawing
more than 55 percent of its partners from the
conservative and
evangelical denominations, even though as a group they formed a much smaller percentage of the general population.
We are a nation of
more than just Christians, and certainly
more than just
conservative evangelical Christians.
My narrative is a bit
more jarring, coming across to fellow liberated
evangelicals as a throwback to our not - too - distant
conservative past.
Removed from the
conservative evangelical community, I began learning
more about evolutionary theory.
The latter intervention looks to be the
more important for precisely that reason: Davidson carries respect within the party whereas Sturgeon is a political enemy; being seen to respond to demands from the Scottish
Conservative Party is easier than appearing to cave in to demands from a party that's made anti-Toryism an
evangelical faith.
Of course, there has to be a lot
more to the Huckster's rise than one email list: if he didn't walk the
evangelical walk, people would see through his
conservative talk just as fast as they do Romney's (whose positions are apparently held together with duct tape).
If you want to promote a book in the Christian marketplace, especially the
evangelical end of things, it really helps to understand some key differences between the sub-groups such as the
conservative PCA and SBC vs.
more progressive groups like Red Letter Christians and Sojourners.
The group, which represents 45,000 churches and
more than 60
evangelical denominations, took no action on a letter sent by 25
conservative Christian leaders demanding that the organization restrain its Washington policy director, the Rev. Richard Cizik, from putting forward his views on global warming.