Sentences with phrase «more liberal and the conservative»

Liberal denominations have become more liberal and the conservative denominations have become more conservative.

Not exact matches

«Marco is — has more of an allegiance to Chuck Schumer and to the liberals than he does to conservative policy,» Paul said.

The Conservatives are in a full identity crisis now, and will have to figure out if they want to play tough with the U.S. and go back to the Sir John A. MacDonald days of a National Policy — essentially copying Trump's Buy American stance with a Buy Canadian — or if they want to follow the pro-free trade Mulroney - Harper path, which is more likely but offers less differentiation from the Liberals.

The even number of justices, divided between four conservatives, three liberals, and the more centrist justice Anthony Kennedy, could lead to a split decision in the case, according to some legal experts.

Conservative pundits steeped in what George H. W. Bush, running against Reagan for the Republican presidential nomination in 1980, famously called «voodoo economics,» have retorted that Buffett and his limousine - liberal ilk should instead voluntarily pay more to the federal treasury, pointing out the existence of such a provision in the tax code.

Although the Conservatives later replaced the Canadian Building Incentive Program with a similar program, the new one is more limited in scope with a smaller budget — typical of the cuts Harper made to many climate related initiatives that had been proposed and voted through in Parliament under the previous Liberal government.

Importantly, the Liberals introduced the more generous and tax - free Canada child benefit (CCB) to replace the taxable, Conservative, so - called universal child - care benefit.

The Conservatives raised $ 17 million in 2012, more than the Liberals and the NDP combined and a huge number for a non-election year.

Similarly, conservative Republicans (41 %) are more likely than GOP moderates and liberals (28 %) to favor reducing taxes on household incomes above $ 250,000.

A recent debate on strategic voting between Erin Weir and Matthew Bergbusch prompts me to wonder the extent to which liberals are more progressive than conservatives in the federal political arena.

The previous Liberal government having increased spending 47 per cent in its last six years in office; the Conservatives having increased spending another 19 per cent in its first three years («good times»), and a further 20 per cent over the next two («bad times»); after doubling spending, in short, in the space of a decade, the government's notion of restraint is more or less to leave it there.

IMHO, there tends to be little electoral overlap between the provincial and federal levels, at least in this province, and in fact the vote splits between right, left and centre are quite different with one unified Conservative party (more aligned with Wildrose than with Alberta PC), and a not - quite - as - moribund Liberal party in play.

But Liberal Health Minister Helena Jaczek said she «could not be more disappointed in Doug Ford and the Conservatives,» claiming Ford's pledge would lead to $ 1.2 billion in «reckless» cutbacks to mental health services.

Majorities in each metro said that there would be little difference in the local political flavor, with between a quarter and a third believing the region would become more liberal and 10 percent or less believing it would become more conservative.

At the same time, Posner, in describing moral academics as split between «two main subsets, the liberal «secular and the conservative «religious,» may mislead readers into believing that the academy is more or less equally split between those two groups.

So on the conservative estimate 99.5 % disagree with it's legalization and on the more liberal side — 95 % of the world doesn't like the practice.

(And since we are entering an era in which conservatives may be forced into considering, at all levels of government, the use of more dramatically intransigent constitutional resistance options to various budget - destroying, Constitution - eroding, and religious - liberty threatening trends of liberal «governance,» a Lincoln - like precision about what we intend to do, and about what enormities we are constitutionally obliged to put up with, is all the more necessaAnd since we are entering an era in which conservatives may be forced into considering, at all levels of government, the use of more dramatically intransigent constitutional resistance options to various budget - destroying, Constitution - eroding, and religious - liberty threatening trends of liberal «governance,» a Lincoln - like precision about what we intend to do, and about what enormities we are constitutionally obliged to put up with, is all the more necessaand religious - liberty threatening trends of liberal «governance,» a Lincoln - like precision about what we intend to do, and about what enormities we are constitutionally obliged to put up with, is all the more necessaand about what enormities we are constitutionally obliged to put up with, is all the more necessary.

Thus, it is no surprise when empirical research shows that Justin Bieber Blog people who are believers give more of their time and resources to the needy than do unbelievers, and people who cherish limited government (conservatives) give more than welfare - state liberals.

It will also generate more of the cynicism about journalism so many non-journalists feel, and heighten the disgust for liberal bias that animates so much conservative activism.»

Reagan ran a more disciplined campaign than his more liberal rivals (both in the GOP primary and the general election), and while he kept faith with his conservative base, he never seemed to be speaking only to his pre-existing conservative supporters.

The fact that I attempt, very carefully, to show how a Christian public philosophy needs to take into account the contending views of various Christians» as well as our entire liberal / conservative political tradition» does not weaken my appeal for something more fully, integrally, and distinctively Christian.

Ironically I went from what what most people would consider to be an extremely liberal and open minded church to a (somewhat) more conservative church, and find it more open to honest self examination.

«So at this point, traditional Mormons, evangelical Protestants and conservative Catholics have more in common with one another politically than they do with the more liberal elements within their respective churches.»

Moderate Protestants (along with Catholics) tend to «lean in a conservative direction on personal life - style issues and in a more liberal direction on matters of social justice.»

For example, 62 per cent of liberal Protestants believe that a married woman who wants no more children should have the right to an abortion, whereas only 46 per cent of the moderates, and 28 per cent of conservatives, agree.

This entire article bases the «diversity» of a group that is not based on the whole of American Society which is much more moderate having both liberal and conservative tendencies.

His perspective, however, is more conservative and my perspective is more liberal.

But, if I am understanding Wright correctly, this idea has consequences for both uber - conservative Christians (who may tend to see God's presence and revelatory activity as limited the words printed in the Bible) and more liberal Christians (who may prefer to think of the words of Joshua and Jeremiah as entirely their own, and not the words of God).

I must admit that is something I have heard Quakers assert, although it seems to mainly come from more liberal and less conservative Friends.

Yet despite the churches» traditional teaching on the subject, the demand to reject all forms of discrimination seems likely to lead to growing acceptance of different lifestyles and patterns of relationship, although this is already a divisive matter between conservative and more liberal Christians.

Sane people can disagree about whether there ought to be a right to privacy, i.e., about whether it is logically a natural right and if so perhaps ought to be put into the Constitution via amendment, or about whether we (usually at state - level) should pass particular laws, such as ones that legalize gay - marriage, that factually expand what might be called privacy, but no sane U.S. Citizen, gay, straight, liberal, or conservative, should be left ignorant about the Constitution - wounding judicial usurpations done in the name of this right, more of which are planned to be done soon enough.

American Christians and conservatives imbibe this narrative as deeply as do liberals and Progressives — sometimes even more deeply.

I for one agree more with conservative fiscal policies because I believe in the long run they will bring about less poverty, while liberal fiscal policies only provide very short term help and ultimately cause more poverty in the long run (maybe I'm wrong, maybe I'm right).

While it is difficult to draw exact parallels, this division between liberals and evangelicals affected Catholics and Jews as well, leading to a time when it was less important that you were Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish, and more important that you were conservative or liberal in your faith.

While more liberal scholars believe this period of time lasted millions (or billions) of years, even the most the most conservative biblical scholars say that there was about 2000 years between Genesis 1 and Genesis 12.

We need to show how conservative sources of order are more dignifying of the human person and more conducive to economic prosperity than liberal plans and policies.

The religious controversies that occupied Rembrandt's Dutch contemporaries were internal debates among Calvinist factions — the conservative Reformed establishment against the more liberal Arminian or Remonstrant sect that favored free will over predestination, and peace — a policy also good for business — over continued war against Catholic Spain.

The leaders of the Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat parties have written articles in the Church... More

The usual assertions are (1) that this kind of religion is today on the defensive; (2) that the defensive posture is occasioned by the flourishing of «conservative churches» (although the alleged liberal enervation is also seen in more autonomous terms); (3) that the growth in religious conservatism and conservative churches is itself the result of widespread reaction against «secular humanist» values and against those who hold such values; (4) that our society as a whole has been experiencing a breakdown in moral consensus, a loss of moral coherence somehow connected with a decline in oldline Protestant dominance; and (5) that some or all of these happenings have been quite sudden, so that the early 1960s can be taken as a kind of benchmark — as a time before the fall.

This attack can only intensify as black liberal leaders find it more and more difficult to pass the conservative litmus tests for pro-Americanism in foreign affairs: uncritical support for U.S. policy toward Israel and U.S. intervention in Central America.

Perhaps the widening of the split between black liberal leaders and black conservative critics will lead to a more principled and passionate political discourse in and about black America.

I am confident that with more rational debates among conservative, liberal and leftist voices, the truth about the black poor can be more easily ascertained.

Yet I suspect that more than a few churchpeople, conservative and liberal, continue to scorn those who relish the earnest, homespun approach of Charlie Shedd, Neva Coyle and Gwen Shamblin — those who pray feelingly about issues that may not seem to the rest of us to be on God's top list of concerns.

Conservative churches turn out to be indirectly ensuring the survival of liberal churches this way a proportion of their ordinands become more liberal and go on to pastor liberal congregations, or turn evangelical churches into liberal ones.

«2 The diversity which Henry, as one of modern evangelicalism's founders, laments has been noted more positively by Richard Quebedeaux in his book The Young Evangelicals - Revolution in Orthodoxy.3 In this book Quebedeaux offers a typology for the conservative wing of the Protestant church, differentiating Separatist Fundamentalism (Bob Jones University, Carl McIntire) from Open Fundamentalism (Biola College, Hal Lindsey), Establishment Evangelicalism (Christianity Today, Billy Graham) from the New Evangelicalism (Fuller Theological Seminary, Mark Hatfield), and all of these from the Charismatic Movement which cuts into orthodox, as well as ecumenical liberal and Roman Catholic constituencies.

If the liberal type is less bound by the Bible, creed and tradition and more concerned with the demands of reason and contemporary society, the conservative type tends to be the opposite.

Most Helpful: Kathy Escobar with «8 ways those from more liberal - progressive and conservative - evangelical persuasions can better love each other»

And the fact liberal health reformers, like conservative ones, are motivated by the desire to make coverage more available does not absolve them of the duty to do so responsibly.

In tape - recorded conversations, Miller engages liberals and conservatives, Democrats and Republicans, big spenders and tax - cutters, politicians, professors and policy specialists — separately and together — in reflection on his proposals, eliciting more or less agreement with this or that plan.

Given his views on sexuality, and the apparent ease with which he has found a platform in the mainstream media, more conservative Christians might be tempted to write him off as a wishy - washy liberal.