Judges Judith Rogers and Harry Edwards, two of
the more liberal judges on the D.C. Circuit, said no.
But neither governor was able to shift the balance of the court, which remains at four conservative judges and three
more liberal judges.
Not exact matches
One
more factor is very powerful in shielding technology from examination:
liberal democratic individualism — the notion that the individual is to be the
judge of what is the good life for him or her.
Both views are embedded in our national history — the republican view
more in the Declaration of Independence, where Jefferson in its opening lines refers to «the laws of nature and of nature «s God» that stand above and
judge the laws of men; and the
liberal view
more in the Constitution, where there is no reference to God at all, and the emphasis is upon the balancing of powers.6.
Fair enough, though we need to see a lot
more details of Red Tory policy before we can really
judge how
liberal / illiberal it is in this sense.
Match found that 91 percent of
liberals say they
judge potential dates negatively for having voted for Trump, and
more than half said they're
more likely to ask about their political views since the election.
This set him apart from his
more -
liberal colleagues, who viewed Brown v. Board of Education (1954) not as a prohibition on the use of racial classifications in education, but rather as a mandate for
judges to do whatever they could to promote «equal educational opportunity.»
The court's conservative justices said they were inclined to reverse a 9th Circuit Court decision requiring immigration
judges to give a bond hearing and consider possible release for noncitizens who have been jailed for
more than six months, while the
liberal justices sounded unsure as to whether a specific time limit can be upheld.
In the six years ending in 1998, for instance,
more than two - thirds of the clerks for three
liberal justices — Ruth Bader Ginsburg, David H. Souter and John Paul Stevens — had first clerked for appeals court
judges appointed by Democratic presidents.
While Lord Carnwath in Marks and Spencer considered that Lord Hoffmann's approach had not diluted the requirements for an implied term, Lord Neuberger's concern that Belize Telecom could be interpreted in that way was well - founded: as Lord Neuberger pointed out, both academic lawyers and
judges had treated Belize Telecom as changing the law; and the tenant in Marks and Spencer contended that it had led to a
more liberal approach.
At worst, torturing the sports metaphors still further, some
judges might have an «expanded strike zone,» allowing for a
liberal interpretation and others a
more restrictive «narrow strike zone» but even in those cases, the
judge / umpire equally applies that zone to both teams.
Suffice it to say that my political positions are closer to his than those of the most
liberal justices, and that's why I wouldn't want to suggest that conservative
judges would be
more likely to defend unreasonable outcomes such as the damages award in this Apple v. Samsung case.
In recent years a marked division has arisen in the court between
liberals and conservatives, usually with a few
judges having a
more flexible approach which may place them in one camp or the other depending on the particular issue at stake.
That is, if interveners are shifting
judges in a
more conservative or
more liberal direction, it appears that interveners are shifting the members of the Court as a bloc or, alternatively, not so far or so differentially as to cause
judges to occupy a different ranking in policy space vis - à - vis his or her colleagues on the Court.
The clearest example is that
judges with high
liberal voting percentages (such as Justices Arbour and Fish) tended to vote
more conservatively in the presence of conservative interveners.
In a post where he appears to reveal
more than his opinion of the numbers, Volokh writes, «This isn't some
liberal judge on the Ninth Circuit slamming the immigration bureaucracy — it's a moderate conservative, citing many opinions from the Seventh Circuit (which has a reputation as being pretty sane).
The Mediated Parenting Agreement that these parents made for the benefit of their child was much
more detailed and better for the child than the «
liberal, flexible visitation» that a
judge would be likely to order after a 20 - minute court hearing.
Even if the
judge takes a
more liberal view about you moving in with someone else before your divorce is over, doing that still inserts a total stranger into your children's lives.