Sentences with phrase «more liberal ones»

On the other hand, however, many civilizations, especially the more liberal ones of the present epoch, have been painstakingly careful to acknowledge the possibility of a personal change of heart and to enable the person to escape the more painful consequences of his own past behavior provided he is genuinely repentant.
The irony here is that this bill would have actually increased attacks upon religion, as many gays and lesbians, as well as their supporters and those who are not biased towards them, are actually also members of churches, albeit more liberal ones.
So when all the conservative old fogies finally die off, this country will be a much happier, freer, more liberal one.
As long as there is a legacy bonus, Obama prefers a slightly more centrist justice that he can appoint to a more liberal one that he successor might appoint.

Not exact matches

Far from being the «nation of innovators» so often touted by Justin Trudeau's Liberal government, the Bloomberg report is a stark reminder of one simple fact that negatively impacts a lot more than just jobs: our country is suffering from an innovation crisis, and it's getting worse every year.
The former Liberal was apparently rejected by the party because of public family disputes, a tendency to litigate and more than one business failure.
Although the Conservatives later replaced the Canadian Building Incentive Program with a similar program, the new one is more limited in scope with a smaller budget — typical of the cuts Harper made to many climate related initiatives that had been proposed and voted through in Parliament under the previous Liberal government.
His move to one of Europe's most influential financial posts is likely to lead to more liberal policies toward foreign acquisitions.
If one is even a moderately fiscally conservative Ontario voter, the prospect of spending billions more in an already heavily indebted province, or rewarding the long - governing Liberals with another term is untenable.
«Our immigration policy is much more liberal,» Mr. Watson said of one edge a Canadian city might have in bidding to host Amazon's second headquarters.
«It's been more than a decade since the Liberals starting making empty promises about Highway 1, to take just one example.
IMHO, there tends to be little electoral overlap between the provincial and federal levels, at least in this province, and in fact the vote splits between right, left and centre are quite different with one unified Conservative party (more aligned with Wildrose than with Alberta PC), and a not - quite - as - moribund Liberal party in play.
Being one of the most liberal areas in the U.S. — there were more than a few cars sporting «Bernie Sanders 2016 ″ bumper stickers — the discussion revolved around climate change and the environmental impact of the tarsands.
So even if we can plausibly imagine that a slightly better Morsi and a slightly more disciplined opposition might have existed and could have made better choices over the course of the last year, and thus allowed the fragile shoot of democratic compromise to take hold, these choices weren't made, and so the chasm between the liberals and the faithful, and the dependence of the former upon the army, are now simply the facts of Egyptian situation, the ones that one must now work from, right?
Theological liberalism has split one church after another — to the point that the theologically liberal in different churches often have more in common with each other than with the more orthodox in their own churches.
I don't mind gays, that's their choice between them and God, but one thing I'm sure of: the more and more «Liberal» this world gets, everyone and every group is going to want apiece of God and history'til eventually someone is going to «Liberate» us FROM God (Already having some try) and when that happens....
One thing is sure: The more such groups embrace the Kulturprotestantismus of the liberal mainline churches, the less likely this is to happen.
One stops to think of actual countries of sand, which include more than a few particularly violent locales, places where people are not as willing as Mary Oliver to concede the comfy and common received idea of liberal Christianity that we all worship the same deity by «whatever name.»
As in liberal Protestantism, the Father was Good; the Son, being human, even better and more philanthropic (well, the Jews and Muslims dropped this bit); and keeping God's commands involved less tradition or ritual and more love of our fellow - men, all men being sons of the one Father.
I recall one of my colleagues in our liberal seminary storming out of chapel because the guest preacher used the term «Kingdom» too many times instead of «kindom,» «realm of God,» «ground of our being» or some other more progressive / liberal designation.
He was a connoisseur of detecting overconfidence in any system of thought» he could detect overreach (one of his favorite words) even in understatements» but he never suspected that most of those responsible for his revival would be more liberal than he ever was.
yr either a lot more liberal than I previously thot, or I'm misunderstanding... one more kick at the can and I'll stop.
«So at this point, traditional Mormons, evangelical Protestants and conservative Catholics have more in common with one another politically than they do with the more liberal elements within their respective churches.»
The argument is less persuasive, however, when one expands the historical perspective to note that for liberals, especially, the growth of the «50s was more the exception than the norm.
This is at best misleading: Writing in the cultural context of the liberal West, Soloveitchik often devoted more words to emphasizing the necessity of humility and surrender for a genuine religious life, but he had no more esteem for a purely submissive religious posture than for an exclusively assertive one — a point made clear by his frequent condemnations of mystical self - abnegation.
The more liberal denominations began to decline while the more conservative ones kept growing.
Sane people can disagree about whether there ought to be a right to privacy, i.e., about whether it is logically a natural right and if so perhaps ought to be put into the Constitution via amendment, or about whether we (usually at state - level) should pass particular laws, such as ones that legalize gay - marriage, that factually expand what might be called privacy, but no sane U.S. Citizen, gay, straight, liberal, or conservative, should be left ignorant about the Constitution - wounding judicial usurpations done in the name of this right, more of which are planned to be done soon enough.
To shift to another metaphor, and one more fitting to the ecclesiastical heritage, it may be said that the ship of the liberal church has been drifting aimlessly, calking up the leaks as best it can, and looking for some heavenly breeze to sweep it out to sea and on to the Western Isles.
I for one agree more with conservative fiscal policies because I believe in the long run they will bring about less poverty, while liberal fiscal policies only provide very short term help and ultimately cause more poverty in the long run (maybe I'm wrong, maybe I'm right).
In thus explaining and championing religious pluralism on affirmative theological grounds rather than on negative or concessionary ones, liberal Protestants could make one of the more important of their distinctive contributions to the moral coherence «and consensus that our sprawling society needs but has found it difficult to maintain.
The reason for this flexibility of method is not a desire to be «liberal» either in the sense of an optimistic vision of human nature in general or in the more restrictive methodological sense of being optimistic about the power of one's critical tools.
One more liberal Justice and we will get a case that will uphold the mandate under different reasoning.
Which is more likely — that the Anglo - American people will respond to a world that satisfies no one by becoming Niebuhrian realists, or that some leader in the not too distant future will mobilize Anglo - American power and sense of religious mission by promising to eliminate once and for all the unsatisfactory realities that oppose the special destiny of the dynamic, liberal and capitalist world?
With other feminists, I believe that we must consider the likelihood a) that countries with less stringent guidelines for ova donation will proceed more efficiently with research; b) that countries in the one - third world will likely benefit from research using ill - gotten gametes; and c) that advocates for ESCR will argue that, for the sake of justice, the U.S. needs to implement more liberal guidelines for gamete procurement so as to avoid the injustice inherent in situation b).
I, for one, am glad that Peter puts THE FEDERALIST more on the LIBERAL EDUCATION than CIVIC EDUCATION list.
With such major centers of the new evangelicalism as Fuller Seminary now showing a good deal more affinity to neo-orthodoxy than to fundamentalism (see Gerald T. Sheppard, «Biblical Hermeneutics: The Academic Language of Evangelical Identity,» Union Seminary Quarterly Review 32 [Winter 1977, pp. 81 - 94]-RRB-, surely we must be cautious both about assuming flatly a «decline» of classic liberalism and about implying a one - to - one relation between the liberal ideologies, whatever their current condition, and the oldline denominational structures.
Conservative churches turn out to be indirectly ensuring the survival of liberal churches this way a proportion of their ordinands become more liberal and go on to pastor liberal congregations, or turn evangelical churches into liberal ones.
Remember that one time you and I discussed in the car when I had not seen you for five years, and you explained to me why legalistic Christianity was good as opposed to the more liberal Christianity I was arguing for?
UPDATE: Pete has similar thoughts, ones a bit more focused on liberal pundit - dom, over at No Left Turns.
«2 The diversity which Henry, as one of modern evangelicalism's founders, laments has been noted more positively by Richard Quebedeaux in his book The Young Evangelicals - Revolution in Orthodoxy.3 In this book Quebedeaux offers a typology for the conservative wing of the Protestant church, differentiating Separatist Fundamentalism (Bob Jones University, Carl McIntire) from Open Fundamentalism (Biola College, Hal Lindsey), Establishment Evangelicalism (Christianity Today, Billy Graham) from the New Evangelicalism (Fuller Theological Seminary, Mark Hatfield), and all of these from the Charismatic Movement which cuts into orthodox, as well as ecumenical liberal and Roman Catholic constituencies.
What is often overlooked in the reaction against this doctrine is that the liberals formulated it in more than one way.
One reads November 1916 in the eerie awareness of what is to come, which makes all the more pitiful and ludicrous the liberal posturing of the politicians and the utopian dreams of the revolutionary terrorists, each of whom has a plan for using the bloody war with Germany to realize his ambitions.
And the fact liberal health reformers, like conservative ones, are motivated by the desire to make coverage more available does not absolve them of the duty to do so responsibly.
To be sure, this view of inward experience or feeling was more narrow and specific than one that today's liberals would espouse.
No Pomocon can want broader Porcher success if its literary «damn - modernity» spirit, which stands to hurt conservative politicians more than liberal ones, becomes its dominant spirit.)
This conflict has emerged between the liberal and militant activist pastors and denominational leaders, on the one hand, and a large body of more conservative laymen, on the other hand, who think the church should stick to spiritual matters and stop meddling in politics and «social» issues.
At the same time, I have felt a certain sympathy with more traditional Christians who have argued that many liberals have undersold one» vital element of the faith an actual, loving God.
Karl Rahner, another representative of the more liberal trend, holds for the possibility that no one ever goes to hell.
«One of the effects of modern liberal Protestantism has been gradually to turn religion into poetry and therapy, to make truth vaguer and vaguer and more and more relative, to banish intellectual distinctions, to depend on feeling instead of thought, and gradually to come to believe that God has no power, that he can not communicate with us, can not reveal himself to us, indeed has not done so and that religion is our own sweet invention» (p. 479).
No one is saying that liberalism requires you to be religious or that religious people are more amply endowed with the liberal spirit.
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