More marginal seats tend to have far more pragmatic, centrist Tory MPs — whicjh makes one wonder just how even more right wing the Tories will become if they go down to a big defeat
If Space pulls this off, it's because we're heading to 230 + Democrats in the House and we've won many
more marginal seats than this.
You also seem to believe that AV will create
more marginal seats (otherwise your argument makes no sense at all).
Even if AV creates 80
more marginal seats (doubtful), most of those seats will still return the same MPs they would have returned under FPTP.
In
more marginal seats, moreover, mention of the party tends to prompt little more than sighs of indifference.
Those guys could vote for Gay marriage without fear of losing in the future, as opposed to guys in
more marginal seats like Ball or Grisanti.
Though the Conservative Party tried its best to take some of
the more marginal seats between it and Labour, such as Bridgend and Newport West, Labour successfully defended all of its 25 seats and took a further three (Gower, Cardiff North, and Vale of Clwyd) from the Conservatives.
For
more marginal seats, it is hard to see how Labor's state woes won't infect the federal campaign.
Bristol E is
a more marginal seat but is a bit more of a «liberal» / Green seat where the Tories could hit a ceiling.
Both forerunner seats were last represented by Labour MPs, with Ince having been served by only four such members since 1906, however with Ormskirk having a mixed and longer history as
a more marginal seat.
Not exact matches
Not that I'm looking ahead to Democratic gains in the Fall, since we're defending far too many
marginal seats picked up in the wave of 2008, but I do see a
more typical incumbent - party loss in the range of 20 - 30
seats in the House and a handful in the Senate.
The voters in
marginal seats receive, no doubt to their delight, a great deal
more attention from the parties than anyone else.
Dobell is
more at risk for Labor than its 5.1 % margin suggests, while Robertson remains a key
marginal seat by any measure.
It won't make Labour any
more popular among the voters it needs to save its
marginal seats at the election.»
Switching from Labour to UKIP in a Labour
marginal, or switching to UKIP from anyone in a safe Labour
seat, is clearly not going to make a Miliband premiership
more likely.
It is a
marginal seat between Plaid and the Labour Party, and until the 2016 Assembly election, had never been held by the same party for
more than one consecutive term.
In August 2011 I conducted a poll of 41
marginal Conservative - held
seats to find out whether the static national polls were hiding a
more nuanced picture on this crucial battleground.
But from those that were, we can see a picture that is both grim and variable - Labour losing its ultra-
marginals, in with half a chance of clinging onto one or two slightly
more solid
marginals, in danger of losing some of its semi-
marginals, and at risk of losing rock solid safe
seats in long - standing Labour heartlands.
The leadership's strategy is to register and canvas
more voters in target
seats, banking on increased turnout to flip new
marginals that were long thought to be beyond Corbyn's reach.
Boundaries have changed in many
seats since 2005, and the strength of the Lib Dems means some two - way
marginals now look
more like three - way
marginals: add in the rise of smaller parties such as the Greens, plus highly volatile national polls, and even hardened tactical voters may struggle to work out which horse to back locally this time.
Voters in
marginal constituencies like Glenda Jackson's Hampstead and Kilburn know
more about parties» policy positions than those in safe
seats like Gordon Brown's Kirkaldy and Cowdenbeath, according to research carried out by the University of Nottingham's Caitlin Milazzo.
I suspect that not
more than one quarter of the money from CCHQ (5 % of our total campaign spend in
marginal seats) is funded by Lord Ashcroft.
Even in these
marginal seats where two - party competition is at its most antagonistic, respondents were comfortable with the
more collaborative and consensus - building politics common to multi-party politics.
For instance, knowing that in my local constituency, we have roughly 2.89 x
more power than the average UK voter due to it being a
marginal seat, could help encourage people to go out and vote knowing they actually could make a difference.
They are prominent in
marginal seats, and, according to recent research, identify
more with Labour than they do Conservatives.
In short, the Lib Dems could pick up the odd
seat here and there - but to make a meaningful dent on the Conservatives, who themselves will be eyeing up dozens of
marginal Labour
seats, would probably require a campaign based on far
more than just opposing Brexit.
Good - looking political candidates are
more likely to win elections — particularly in
marginal seats.
Recent polling of key
marginal seats by Lord Ashcroft found that Cameron's party can afford to lose no
more than 21
seats to Labour in order to remain the largest party in parliament.
There are much
more obvious differences between different battlegrounds (that is, between
seats that are Con - v - Lab battles and
seats that are Con - v - LD battles), so I've looked at only the Con - v - Lab battleground — those
marginal seats with the Conservatives in first place ahead of Labour.
6 are Conservative held
seats where the Lib Dems came a close second last time and need not unduly delay us, all show a shift from Lib Dem to Conservative and Conservative holds, the most interesting ones being Watford (which was a three way
marginal in 2010 and remains so in this poll) and the two Cornish
seats in the sample which both put UKIP in second place,
more on that later.
«I could not have asked for a better or
more dedicated team, but on polling day you excelled yourselves again - and the excellent results in so many of our most
marginal seats are testament to that.
With several
more Labour MPs in
marginal seats having announced their intention to retire at the election in recent days, below is a list of the 46 Labour and Lib Dem MPs (so far) in the most winnable
seats for the Conservatives who have opted not to defend their
seats at the general election.
In practice of course we can't actually be that confident that voters in a tight LD - Lab
marginal will behave the same way as in a
seat where the Lib Dems have a 20 % majority, so it's a bit of a shame Ashcroft didn't include some
more challenging LD - Lab fights like Cambridge, Hornsey & Wood Green or Bermondsey.
We've seen an increase in
marginal polls and,
more importantly, we've seen an increase in regular
marginal polls — Lord Ashcroft and ComRes are both doing regular polls of the same groups or group of
marginal seats.
The ConservativeHome blog speculates that the Tories could win an outright majority with just 37 % of the vote because the party is expected to do better in
marginal seats and its supporters tend to be older people who are
more likely to vote than the younger generation «who have flocked to Nick Clegg».
Regular readers will recall that before the election it looked as if the boundary reviews would have favoured the Tories
more — I suspect this change is largely because the 2017 election happened to produce a lot of very
marginal seats, and that small boundary changes have flipped some of these in Labour's favour.
He added: «There are of course, many
more Labour than Liberal Democrat candidates in winnable
marginal seats, so I've had to concentrate my cash on first - time Labour candidates, rather than ex-MPs.»
But on election day, it will still let the Tories target
marginal voters in must - win
seats more precisely than ever before.»
Her Hampstead and Kilburn
seat is a tight three - way
marginal and in 2010 her predecessor, Glenda Jackson, had the smallest majority in the country, with just 42 votes
more than her Conservative rival.
Among other results, Lord Ashcroft's polls suggested that the growth in SNP support would translate into
more than 50
seats; [124] that there was little overall pattern in Labour and Conservative Party
marginals; [125] that the Green Party MP Caroline Lucas would retain her
seat; [126] that both Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg and UKIP leader Nigel Farage would face very close races to be elected in their own constituencies; [127] and that Liberal Democrat MPs would enjoy an incumbency effect that would lose fewer MPs than their national polling implied.
All of these things are grounds for a degree of optimism in relation to the national picture... but the research in the
marginal seats I published recently was
more sobering.
Meanwhile, Ukip will be plotting to detonate
more Clacton - like explosions in the
marginal seats that will decide who walks up Downing Street next May.
As in other
marginal seats, a small majority of voters said they were optimistic about the economy over the next year, though slightly
more so for themselves than for the country as a whole.
But at the same time, Faso took a
more direct shot Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, two of the state's most prominent Democrats who have vocally opposed the measure and pushed Republicans in
marginal House
seats like Faso's to vote against it.
Not sure, if this is undetAnd, labour spent
more than the Tories in 2005 75 % of labours spending in 1997 came from the private side, and recall 1979 when the closed shop meant everyone had to joina Union, that union had to give money to the labour party, we knew the next election would be the most vicious since 1992 ′ we win the campaign, lost the election that time, The Tory press isn't as strong as it was then, the tories haven't got lost of «extremist» stories about labour they had thrn to smear us now, They're a smaller party not just cos of Ukip, But labour has a lot of keen strong members, and it'll come doen to 70 or so
marginal seats what happens, while not losing our working class votes in Newcastle, birmingham Luton Rotherham, Scotland, and if they're not abstaining, or voting Ukip, we have to ask why they're voting tory
One possibility is the creation of a Worthing
seat coterminous with the council boundaries and which would be a much
more marginal Con / LD
seat than either Worthing East or Worthing West.
These voters make up nearly half the population as a whole and, crucially, they make up
more than half of the population of the overwhelming majority of England's
marginal seats.
If the latest polling from Lord Ashcroft is sustained Labour will do rather better in the
marginal seats that their share of the vote nationally would suggest thus making an outcome where they get fewer votes but
more seats a greater probability.
«What is particularly missing at this time is her coming out in public, meeting her constituents, talking to TV cameras, explaining what happened, perhaps being a little humble about all of this and giving a satisfactory explanation to her constituents and the wider Conservative family to be quite frank, because speaking to people from the West Midlands region where she is an MP, these things do have a knock - on effect and there are other
marginal seats far closer to her constituency where people have got Labour majorities to overturn which may be
more difficult if the local Conservative politician is seen as tainted and not having justified their actions and also I gather that Conservative Party HQ has had party donors from the region expressing concern that she hasn't satisfactorily justified what she has done.»
Unlike Lord Ashcroft's
marginal polls (which are actually a series of individual constituency polls in
seats that are
marginals, which we can aggregate together to get an extremely large sample across a group of
marginal seats) ComRes's poll is a
more traditional
marginals poll — a single poll of a group of
marginal seats, meaning it gives us a measure of those
seats as a whole, but has far too few people to tell us anything about the individual
seats within that group.