Do you think reclaiming a broader,
more political understanding of Catholic social teaching is part of the cure for this disease?
Not exact matches
Despite its use of «generic identifiers» for the individuals and entities listed, the DOJ «provided the Court with
more than sufficient information to
understand the
political context of Steele's research,» the memo said.
A strengthened and
more independent Parliamentary Budget Office would promote greater
understanding of complex budget issues; it would force the government to defend its economic and budget forecasts; it would promote a straightforward and
more understandable and open budget process; it would promote accountability by commenting on the government's projections and analysis; finally, by being nonpartisan, it would provide research to all
political parties.
But as Temin and Vines show, history is much
more usefully seen as the evolution of often complex institutions — financial,
political, legal, cultural, and so on — through which economic behavior is mediated and which affect the ways in which recurring patterns of finance, commerce and trade unfold, and that without an
understanding of history we lose so much complexity in our models that we often end up making very obvious mistakes.
A strengthened (
more resources), and
more independent (report to Parliament) PBO would promote greater
understanding of complex budget issues; it would strengthen credibility by encouraging simplification and forcing the government to defend its economic and budget forecasts; it would improve the budget process by promoting a straightforward and
more understandable and open process; it would promote accountability by commenting on the government's projections and analysis; finally, by being nonpartisan it would provide analysis and research to all
political parties.
There are a variety of reasons for this gap in
understanding: The time gap between discovery research and the translation of that discovery into a therapeutic or a commercial product can take decades, and public and
political attention spans are short; the natural human inclination is to pay
more attention to things that don't work rather than things that do.
Both
understood that
political agreements — such as creating corporations — make anything
more than subsistence economies possible.
Communism westernized the Russian
political imagination in a perverse way, to be sure, but its triumph put a complete end to older,
more traditional ways of
understanding society as a hierarchical system underwritten by a sacred authority.
The Anabaptist rejection of oaths was not merely an interpretative quarrel, but was
understood more deeply as a part of the Anabaptist rejection of Christian involvement in
political and military affairs.
It was easy to recognize, in the words of this latest exhortation to
more faithfully follow the gospel in the economic and global -
political realm, the voice of our dear shepherd» to see the sharp intellectual and moral challenge of his mind, coupled with the loving
understanding of his heart, so passionate to bring Christ to the world and the world to Christ.
She is surrounded daily with supporters who bolster her views, people who
understand themselves as moral crusaders, pursuing their aims with all the zeal inspired by
political ideology or — perhaps
more aptly — ersatz religion.
In its
more common contemporary use, it contrasts with
political «conservatism,» such that contemporary American
political discussion is often largely
understood as a debate between the two.
That this fear of being subsumed by Christianity lingers among Jews today is not surprising given that until recently «dialogue» with Christians, the wielders of cultural and
political power, usually involved
more polemic and proselytizing than
understanding and cooperation.
This broader
understanding of what we seek to defend should make social conservatives both
more and less
political than we have tended to be: We should be
more political in that we do
more than occasionally resort to legal appeals to protect our own freedom of action.
Those who take the time to peruse it carefully will find two things far
more significant than transitory euphoria: they will
understand why the constitutional period was the most compelling episode of
political reasoning in our history; and they will realize how clearly a discussion of «first principles» is necessary for rescuing American politics from its parlous state today.
Those who take the time to peruse The Founder's Constitution will find two things far
more significant than transitory euphoria: they will
understand why the constitution period was the most compelling episode of
political reasoning in our history; and they will realize how clearly a discussion of «first principles» is necessary for rescuing American politics from it's parlous state today.
In short, Culture and Abortion is addressed to the committed pro-lifer who seeks to
understand more about the social, historical,
political and literary influences on the «barbarity of abortion».
Fundamentally, they constitute an
understanding about how blacks should respond to the great philosophical and
political problems created by our history of degradation,
more recently followed by our unequal citizenship.
The 1992 campaign has demonstrated once
more that we are a very long way from
understanding the implications of religion as the first
political institution of the republic.
I need
more than the resources of Bible, theological tradition, and my own commitments if I am to
understand my faith and the world in which it is set; I also need the ethical insights of my secular colleagues, the
political and psychological analyses of my friends and foes, and the prophetic jab of nonchurchmen whose degree of commitment so often puts my own to shame.20
Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's
understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a
more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into
political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American
political system.
In order to
understand what Metz means by
political theology, and thus the obstacle to a process theologian's becoming a
political theologian in Metz's sense, we will need to study
more carefully the position to which he came in that book.
When you pro-life contradictions stop acting like life begins at conception and ENDS AT BIRTH, when you stop using abortion as a
political wedge issue to shore up votes and show that you actually
understand and act on ALL the complex issues at work, you might actually find others
more sympathetic to your alleged cause.
More important, he relates Burke's critique, which is fundamentally based on a classical and Christian
understanding of natural law, to his
political philosophy as a whole.
More than that of any theologian from Augustine to Luther, Gregory's pastoral work had awesome
political effect — so much so that it has become axiomatic that to
understand the Middle Ages, one must
understand Gregory.
Evangelicals would
understand their different
political conclusions better and progress
more quickly toward resolving their disagreements if they were
more conscious of the components that contribute to a conclusion and if they tried harder to isolate the precise areas of disagreement.
Fletcher
understood that cultural influence was vastly
more important than
political power.
The important thing is to
understand that such passages and exegeses predisposed the Christians to accept the
political power as
more or less valid.
Virtually the entire Bill of Rights has now been applied against the states, achieving three revolutionary results at once: 1) The original
understanding of federalism has been obliterated, so that the states exercise their power now largely at the sufferance of the Supreme Court; 2) The Due Process and Equal Protection clauses of Section 1 have become a kind of witches» cauldron from which an exotic brew of postmodern nostrums has been fed into the bloodstream of the
political culture; 3) The Supreme Court has successfully arrogated to itself
more or less exclusive powers of constitutional interpretation.
Illustrating the influence of economists, Lord Keynes wrote: «The ideas of economics and
political philosophy, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are
more powerful than is commonly
understood.
Understood that most of them were trained in private American Militias before they are sent to fight any opportunity into bringing peace in the region... they are nothing but another pirates on land as those in sea... read
more on who support those to make
political changes and presence in the area...!
To
understand the Pentecostal phenomenon it is
more useful to identify the meaning and the practical consequences of the religious beliefs and experiences in the daily lives of the faithful than to discuss the degree of
political conservativism of their ideology.
I began to
understand why she described the practice of self - care as a means of
political warfare, how even getting
more rest or drinking
more water could be viewed as an act of defiance — radical, even.
JS: Why do you think there isn't
more of that happening already — is it
political will or a lack of
understanding?
Part of the difficulty with creating a new
understanding of adoption - including the women who chose it, the families who adopt, and the children who are adopted - is combating archaic adoption practices that not only reinforce negative stereotypes, but also do an incredible disservice to what adoption can be - that is, adoption is a legitimate pregnancy option for all women faced with a pregnancy decision, regardless of whether they identify as «pro-life» or «pro-choice,» religious or not, conservative or liberal... In the face of a pregnancy decision, the women who choose adoption feel no
more part of the
political discussion around it then the women who choose abortion feel about the
political rhetoric characterizing their decision.
The main reasons it wasn't adopted
more widely yet is because it isn't as intuitive to
understand as most other systems, counting the votes takes longer than with single - vote systems and of course because of people who reject it for purely
political reasons.
Just as their vision of
political communication was shaped by a profound
understanding of a still relatively new communication medium - television - so too do we stand on the cusp of a new and potentially even
more powerful medium, the internet.
From Aristotle, conservatives derive their sense of the need for practical experience in judging both moral and
political matters, and their
understanding of the role of tradition in inculcating habits of virtue and wisdom in the young.For
more see https://www.rep.routledge.com/articles/thematic/conservatism/v-1
Chilean
political system can be seen, to easy
understanding, as a bipartisanship (similar to US, except that instead of two dominant parties it has two big coalitions - of - parties) At presidential primaries, Bachelet coalition (Nueva Mayoría)
more than doubled its challenger coalition (Alianza).
«It's disappointing to me that, despite many years of talk from people on both the left and the right of politics we are still stuck with this system which is antiquated and undemocratic... We need to try to get beyond the
more tabloid version of this argument and really
understand what it says about our democracy — you've got people appointed to the legislature without going through the proper processes of democratic accountability that are taken for granted in most countries in the world and you have people being influenced by making
political donations.
More and more social movements and political parties are now understanding that a Basic Income could help to combat some of the most socially pernicious effects of the crisis and stimulate the economy from the b
More and
more social movements and political parties are now understanding that a Basic Income could help to combat some of the most socially pernicious effects of the crisis and stimulate the economy from the b
more social movements and
political parties are now
understanding that a Basic Income could help to combat some of the most socially pernicious effects of the crisis and stimulate the economy from the base.
The group however noted that President Buhari as one of the Leaders who Physically identified and related with PRONACO to produce a peoples» draft constitution during its independently convoked citizens» driven Peoples National Conference, PNC for national restructuring between 2004 and 2006 is
more likely to tow the line of restructuring as he was deemed to
understand the positive import of a successful
political restructuring on the country's development
Understanding just what's going on in these failed middle income countries is an important question in contemporary
political economy, and it's something that I'll be researching
more closely with a colleague over this summer; look out for a new paper on these issues later in the year...
I must admit I haven't read either Cowley or Norton, but I do wonder if Hanna's position, though his recent article doesn't make it explicit, is not
more accurately
understood as a lament on the loss of amateurism as a virtue in the
political establishment (the amateur MP, the eccentric parliamentarian, the independent - minded representative, which of course gives the Hannan position indirectly: the professionalisation of politics and
political parties, the well - drilled party system and an overbearing executive).
As a professor at Fordham Law School, the author of important books on
political and economic policy, a key figure in Howard Dean's 2004 presidential campaign, and a visionary organizer on behalf of banking and business reforms, she
understands that the Democratic Party must move toward progressive populism in order to become
more than a tepid alternative to Republican extremism.
To his article I would add a
more nuanced
understanding of the international impetus which has played a heavy hand in determining the
political history of Cameroon.
However, as we've collectively become
more sophisticated at using omni - channel approaches to campaigning,
understanding what opposing campaigns are doing across their social channels is imperative to avoid being caught by surprise — and even
more importantly, can help strengthen your
political or advocacy campaign.
There will be little support for a new
political agenda based on a participatory process unless local communities
understand such processes and receive protection from the state — and people see that the democratic process will indeed bring
more benefits and security than before.
The problem is, Clegg says, he didn't
understand the importance of the
political symbols, from the Rose Garden press conference with Cameron (which came across as
more bromance than business) to his acceptance of a nothingy office with no front entrance (Cameron refused to allow him to use Downing Street as a backdrop for media interviews).
That if the general public truly
understood what was happening, they would be horrified and suspect
more than a little manipulation, a stitch - up by the
political elite.