Not exact matches
Second, Arthur Meighen's Tories «won» the 1925
general election in the sense that they took
more seats than any other party, 116 compared to 99 for King's Liberals.
Conservatives say the dramatic shakeup of Britain's electoral map, which could hand the party around a dozen
more seats at the
general election, was a quid pro quo for the electoral reform referendum, which took place
in May 2011.
«What the country needs
more than ever is certainty, and having secured the largest number of votes and the greatest number of
seats in the
General Election, it is clear that only the Conservative & Unionist Party has the legitimacy and ability to provide that certainty by commanding a majority
in the House of Commons.
One possible development
in this scenario is that several months into a Con - Lib government (coalition or otherwise) the polls suggest both Labour and the Liberal Democrats would win
more seats if there were another
general election.
Following the introduction of their
seat targeting strategy
in general elections, the Liberal Democrats
seat distribution from 1992 onwards has become
more efficient.
These projections turned out to be true, as Republicans picked up
more than 660
seats in the November 2
general election.
[4]
In the 2015 general election, the Lib Dem vote fell by 29.2 %; Williams came a distant third behind the winning Labour candidate Thangam Debbonaire and more than 5,000 votes behind the Green Party candidate, who achieved the greatest increase in the Green vote (+23 %) in any seat that electio
In the 2015
general election, the Lib Dem vote fell by 29.2 %; Williams came a distant third behind the winning Labour candidate Thangam Debbonaire and
more than 5,000 votes behind the Green Party candidate, who achieved the greatest increase
in the Green vote (+23 %) in any seat that electio
in the Green vote (+23 %)
in any seat that electio
in any
seat that
election.
This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between
elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a
general election requiring 55 per cent support
in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a
general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the
seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many
more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.
The Conservatives
in Wales have had their best
General Election results for
more than 30 years after gaining three
seats.
He has spent three decades
in the party,
more than John Prescott when he took the same role under Tony Blair, and had ringside
seats for the
general election defeats of Neil Kinnock - twice - Gordon Brown and Ed Miliband.
I don't put much store
in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point
in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower than Labour got
in the 2005
General Election and all it would suggest is that the Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current
seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused
in an area that they could actually end up with
more seats, where the switches
in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result
in them getting fewer
seats than Labour or
in extremis winning a 150
seat majority or so?
On average,
in those
seats that the party won
in by -
elections, it went on to hold on to
more than four - fifths of its vote share at the following
general election.
The Labour Party was defeated heavily
in the 1983
general election, winning only 27.6 % of the vote, its lowest share since 1918, and receiving only half a million votes
more than the SDP - Liberal Alliance who leader Michael Foot condemned for «siphoning» Labour support and enabling the Conservatives to greatly increase their majority of parliamentary
seats.
On these national support figures and assuming they would be contesting at least thirty constituencies, the Labour Party would need a lot of luck to win
more than one or two
seats in terms of their total number of
seats at a
general election contest.
If the party's support levels nationally were to even lower than the 6.6 % level won
in the
general election, then the party would be losing even
more seats — especially given the narrow margins that Labour candidates (such as Willie Penrose) won
seats by
in that
election.
While our colleagues
in Scotland have gone from one poor
election result to the next, faced with a similar situation
in 1997 the Welsh Conservatives have made significant progress, bouncing back to increase our share of the vote at each
general election since and increasing our representation, taking 8
seats this year - two
more than than
in John Major's surprise
election victory
in 1992.
The pain when a cabinet minister loses his or her
seat in a
general election is usually felt
more by the individual than by their party.
More than three months after the party lost 48 of its 56
seats in the
general election, only a handful of former Lib Dem MPs have secured new roles.
With several
more Labour MPs
in marginal
seats having announced their intention to retire at the
election in recent days, below is a list of the 46 Labour and Lib Dem MPs (so far)
in the most winnable
seats for the Conservatives who have opted not to defend their
seats at the
general election.
However, here we have a rather unusual situation where a minor party are obviously at least
in the running to win the
seat given the last
general election and their strength on the local council, what's
more local voters are reasonably likely to be aware of it.
Thus, a party that has never won
more than 13 % of the vote
in a
general election and currently holds just one parliamentary
seat was able to shape the national and European political agenda.
In the 25 Liberal Democrat - held seats, though, the collapse in the Lib Dem vote was much more dramatic: the party was down 15 points from its general election positio
In the 25 Liberal Democrat - held
seats, though, the collapse
in the Lib Dem vote was much more dramatic: the party was down 15 points from its general election positio
in the Lib Dem vote was much
more dramatic: the party was down 15 points from its
general election position.
With 1.1 m votes at the
general election,
more than 150 councillors, two
seats on the London assembly and the Green candidate coming third
in the London mayor
elections, the Greens think this is unfair.
Dozens
more Unite members are among the new Labour candidates
in seats which the party hopes to hold at the
general election.
[40] However, the Tories were re-elected and Labour suffered its worst postwar
general election result, only narrowly bettering the SDP - Liberal Alliance
in terms of votes, though winning considerably
more seats.
The
seat is being vacated by 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee, Joe Lieberman, who lost the Democratic primary
election for the senate
seat in 2006, but won re-
election in the
general Read
more»
Could just be me thinking all of this but I have a feeling Tom Brake may be difficult to ever beat given he was able to hold this
seat in the Lib Dem's worst
general election in more than a generation.
Meanwhile, the English Democrats have launched their
general election campaign, with candidates running
in more than 100
seats across England.
Labour was defending the most
seats -
more than 2,200 - and had talked up its prospects
in London, where it made gains
in last year's
general election.
Look at the London local
elections in 2006, the turnout was so low that many Conservatives, Lib Dems, and even Greens and BNP people were elected; a feat which wasn't repeated
in 2010 when Labour voters for the
General election took part
in the local
elections, letting Labour gain many
more seats despite being less popular nationally than
in 2006.
The final bit of evidence was that
seats that contained a larger proportion of young people did see their turnout rise
more at the
election... though as Chris Prosser and the rest of the BES team ably explain
in their paper, this is not necessarily the strong evidence you might think:
seats with
more young people tend to be urban and
more diverse, so it's equally possible that urban areas
in general saw a larger increase
in turnout.
It seems that the
general public has enough knowledge to vote republican on every open
seat they could fill this last
election, and will do the same
in two
more years to clean out the CAGW house of cards.