Sentences with phrase «more social conservative»

No more social conservative BS.
Field's political stance has been somewhat at odds with the rest of the Parliamentary Labour Party in recent years, and he has embraced more social conservative ideas.
Speaking to CBC, Little Bow MLA Ian Donovan, who crossed the floor from the Wildrose to the Progressive Conservatives this week, told host Mark Connolly that the PCs are now more social conservative than the Wildrose.
This is why it really could help Violet and her generation if more social conservatives, Porchers, dorm supervisors, student - activity administrators, school boards, and especially more Christian youth leaders, would consider the very practical sort of advice available in my second - favorite self - help book, The Jane Austen Guide to Happily Ever After, by Elizabeth Kantor.

Not exact matches

Many in corporate America are still trying to work out how to deal with a new government that takes a more conservative stance on some social issues and has an anti-globalisation platform.
After two elections backing social - conservative candidates who could afford little more than gas money, Christian leaders have long been eager to back a horse with the money to win.
While Snap's IPO will by no means be cheap, that more conservative price - to - sales valuation puts it in line with Twitter (twtr) when that social media company went public.
Mr. Hehr's motion undoubtably would have made some social conservatives uncomfortable, but it would have ultimately helped drag some of Alberta's more stodgy school boards into the 21st century.
Mr. Byfield has been campaigning for more than a year and could make gains if he is able to tap into the base of social conservative voters in this constituency.
Josh Barro wrote that «Social conservatives are more likely to signal openness to pro-middle class economic policies than the «hardheaded business types» who fund the party.: I think there is some truth to that, and I think that Barro's next observation is interesting and....
But another «social conservative» or family / natalist guy, Allan Carlson, is big on saying that the Democrats were the more pro-family party through the Sixties.
Josh Barro wrote that «Social conservatives are more likely to signal openness to pro-middle class economic policies than the «hardheaded business types» who fund the party.: I think there is some truth to that, and I think that Barro's next observation is interesting and also has some truth:
«As Hispanic Catholics in the U.S achieve upward mobility, they may become a little more conservative on social justice and concern for the poor,» Dillon says, «but currently many of the issues that are especially important to Catholics in Latin America are also very important to Hispanic Catholics in the U.S.»
«A study in the United States, published in the Social Forces journal and conducted by Sociology researcher Lisa A. Keister while she was at the Ohio State University, found that adherents of Judaism attained the most wealth, believers of Catholicism and mainline Protestants were in the middle, while conservative Protestants accu - mulated the least wealth, while in general people who attend religious services achieved more wealth than those who do not (taking into account variations of education and other factors).
Conservatives were still likely to read quite a few jeremiads, and social - conservatives in particular remained gloomy about a number of topics, but the world - wide spread of democracy and the undeniably higher standards of living attained in the U.S. and its more capitalism - friendly allies made optimism seem the ratConservatives were still likely to read quite a few jeremiads, and social - conservatives in particular remained gloomy about a number of topics, but the world - wide spread of democracy and the undeniably higher standards of living attained in the U.S. and its more capitalism - friendly allies made optimism seem the ratconservatives in particular remained gloomy about a number of topics, but the world - wide spread of democracy and the undeniably higher standards of living attained in the U.S. and its more capitalism - friendly allies made optimism seem the rational stance.
Speaking after the documentary Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, the peer and former chairman of the Conservative Party, said British Muslims had made more progress in changing their attitudes on various social issues since they arrived in Britain in the 1950s than the Church of England and the Conservative Party had over the same period.
Moderate Protestants (along with Catholics) tend to «lean in a conservative direction on personal life - style issues and in a more liberal direction on matters of social justice.»
This broader understanding of what we seek to defend should make social conservatives both more and less political than we have tended to be: We should be more political in that we do more than occasionally resort to legal appeals to protect our own freedom of action.
Either social conservatives will devise effective new political strategies now, in 2018, or the Republican party will turn against them, and Democrats will exercise their power more aggressively, unhampered by fears of opposition.
Furthermore, since its ultimate claim to existence is rooted more in the events of the past than in contemporary social problems, it has even a more conservative image than political and economic institutions.
Libertarianism is clearly more marketable to conservatives, even social conservatives, than it is to liberals.
Perhaps more than any other candidates, Perry and Bachman have staked their campaigns on winning social conservative voters.
His July meeting with social conservative leaders was a start, but more must be done.
We suspect that when the conservative clergy preach on such topics it is to denounce such individual action — when they preach on crime they emphasize «Thou shalt not steal,» while the more liberal clergy emphasize the social causes of crime.
If the GOP allow their agenda to be dominated by the social conservatives they will just shoot themselves in the foot and give Obama 4 more years.
I consider myself a devout Christian, but I and my wife are far more concerned with social justice involving the needs of the poor, underprivileged and «least of these», to quote Jesus again, than we are with following the conservative Christian agenda.
The asymmetry of criticism aimed at social conservatives vs. business interests implied that social conservatives should speak more softly and be happy with what (if anything) they get.
At the least, it offers up a few more questions for proponents of gay marriage and explains the cautiousness of social conservatives to give weigh to libertarian ideals.
David Hubbard, for example, in his taped remarks on the future of evangelicalism to a colloquium at Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary in Denver in 1977 noted the following areas of tension among evangelicals: women's ordination, the charismatic movement, ecumenical relations, social ethics, strategies of evangelism, Biblical criticism, Biblical infallibility, contextual theology in non-Western cultures, and the churchly applications of the behavioral sciences.2 If such a list is more exhaustive than those topics which this book has pursued, it nevertheless makes it clear that the foci of the preceding chapters have at least been representative.
This conflict has emerged between the liberal and militant activist pastors and denominational leaders, on the one hand, and a large body of more conservative laymen, on the other hand, who think the church should stick to spiritual matters and stop meddling in politics and «social» issues.
George W. Bush won a third of the evangelical vote in Iowa in 2000, splitting that vote with Steve Forbes and more explicitly social conservative candidates like Gary Bauer and Alan Keyes.
Liberals, conservatives, communitarians and libertarians all came together under the theory that many social ills would radically diminish if more people had the responsibility of home ownership.
There is also a «circling of the wagons» going on among the more conservative churches... These social movements are always hard to predict where they will end up.
Like many social conservatives, especially Christian ones, I spend a lot of my time reading and writing about religious freedom, especially how it might be affected by the legalization of same - sex marriage and the campaign for «gay rights» more generally.Yet at the same time, I harbor doubts about the position we are staking out.You see, I sometimes think that Justice Scalia's majority opinion in Employment Division v. Smith may have been correct.
I don't share political and social positions with more conservative Christian, and have even had some tell me I simply can not be Christian and hold some of the positions I do.
A majority of primary voters preferred a more conservative candidate to the frontrunner Romney, but social conservatives were splitting their vote among several candidates, allowing Romney to win.
In a more conservative mode, Emile Durkheim was interested in the requirement of social cohesion for the survival of society.
Maybe it has, but social conservatives should be careful to distinguish between Mark Udall's war on women campaign, and the more effective (though still overrated) war on women campaign run by Barack Obama in 2012.
The trend toward more serious desire for social change may seem to be contradicted by the highly publicized conservative political expression of the past few years.
Couldn't agree more, you can't call yourself a fiscal conservative AND believe the government should enforce conservative social values.
Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism - Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist - Leninist fronts.
The survey bears out that the caliber of leadership is a far more determinative factor in church growth than questions of liberal - versus - conservative positions, or social action versus personal - individual religious experience and expression.
Populist and social conservatives can beat the establishment by showing that they are not only more principled than the establishment, but that they are also smarter and more realistic about how to win the persuadable voters who decide elections.
Bravest: Matt Appling with «Honk if You Hate Social Justice» Conservative Christians: The way some of you talk about social justice makes you all look like a bunch of cynical, selfish jerks... It sounds like you find the idea of social justice more abhorrant than poverty iSocial Justice» Conservative Christians: The way some of you talk about social justice makes you all look like a bunch of cynical, selfish jerks... It sounds like you find the idea of social justice more abhorrant than poverty isocial justice makes you all look like a bunch of cynical, selfish jerks... It sounds like you find the idea of social justice more abhorrant than poverty isocial justice more abhorrant than poverty itself.
In the pending court case for overturning California's Proposition 8, which banned «gay marriage,» two leading conservative legal scholars face off: Charles J. Cooper, taking the classical conservative line that organic social institutions such as marriage have an inherent value and can not be redefined by legal fiat, and Theodore Olson, taking the more libertarian line that government should simply regulate contractual relationships between individuals and not become involved in private matters.
In the pending court case for overturning California's Proposition 8, which banned «gay marriage,» two leading conservative legal scholars face off: Charles J. Cooper, taking the classical conservative line that organic social institutions such as marriage have an inherent value and can not be redefined by legal fiat, and Theodore Olson, taking the more libertarian line that government should simply regulate contractual relationships between individuals... Continue Reading»
It's partly her way because she is much more committed to social change than most Conservatives.
For right - wing social conservatives for example, their ideology will not only define their personal conduct (they are more likely to be religious), but also how they relate to others and the sort of government they want.
Philip Blonde takes an almost Democratic Republican ideology towards public service reform in advocating using social entreprises to manage schools, hospitals, sure start centres etc, which would be democratically connected to all other schools etc through out the country and collectively elect the central management who allocate budget spending to each and every school etc. http://www.respublica.org.uk/publications/ownership-state It sounds more like a radical libertarian socialist solution to public services than a free market conservative solution to public services.
And influential think - tanks such as the Resolution Foundation and the Social Market Foundation are now giving credence to the idea that the Liberal Democrats and the Labour Party may have more credible post-2015 deficit reduction strategies than a majority Conservative government.
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