Sentences with phrase «more social the right»

Not exact matches

I've found that the right business strategies can deliver significantly more value, in all respects, than is possible through a purely stakeholder - driven social agenda.

But all social media brand presence is time consuming if done right, and the advantage for smaller brands is that with niche audiences they are more likely to craft content considered relevant by Facebook's algorithms and thus see their posts make it into more of their fans» feeds.

The old adage «it's not what you know, it's who you know» is more powerful than ever today, and you can get to know the «right» people by leveraging social proof.

CF: Unfortunately I think all those choices are sort of being hidden, they're choices that are being made right now that we spend more and more on health care and less on education and social supports and all these other things.

Here's something you can do this very minute that will make you feel more confident right away, courtesy of social psychologist Amy Cuddy.

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With updates in social media and across the web, your opportunity to compete with the «top dogs» is more accessible than ever before if you implement the right strategies.

What's more, with social media, low - cost email marketing programs and a little creativity, you can reach thousands of the right people with your message — virtually for free.

«You have to take more time when social media is involved just to make sure that it's the right person who you are charging, and it's not just the perception of the individual who was victimized, who just wants to ID somebody to give closure to themselves,» said Lt. John Walker, who supervises 31 detectives in the Philadelphia Police Department's West Philadelphia office.

What I mean is, we are the generation that have helped make massive strides in social rights, self - reflection, a broader understanding for people of all backgrounds, ethnicities, sexual orientations, and more.

While the new president has a more pro-business agenda than his predecessor Hollande, he might be significantly constrained in his social and economic reforms if he needs the support of both mainstream right - wing and left - wing parties.

You're guaranteed social freedom, individual freedom, freedom of religion, LGBTI rights, and much more...

Right now, marketers still appear to be investing more time and resources into social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter, but as organic reach continues to decline (more on this below), we'll see a greater number of marketers experiment with messaging apps as a way to connect with their audience.

Facebook continues to modify its News Feed to include larger and more prominently displayed images and videos, Pinterest is now the fourth most popular social networking site, and Twitter now pulls pictures and videos right into its timeline — and has used its recent profile pages update to allow for larger header photos and profile pictures.

Social media is an essential tool for getting your content in front of your target consumers; it also can serve as a powerful engagement platform in its own right, enabling brands to conduct meaningful, two - way conversations that are more timely and relevant than other content formats might allow.

The nuns are RIGHT, social justice is vastly more important than crawling on the ground to kiss the ring of some fat cat cardinal or a professed ex-nazi in the vatican.

We might note the obvious influence of Leo Strauss's Natural Right and History upon Bénéton's framing of modernity, but he works out the implications of historicist relativism and Weberian social science in ways that are more attuned to both the contemporary academy and to our day - to - day lives.

Without foundations, there are no truths that can mandate radical change, and the stereotypes of left and right by which he defines «social justice,» along with his religio - patriotic flights of «pure, joyous hope» in limitless change, seem no more than quaint and fanciful.

Among them are the rights to: bullet joint parenting; bullet joint adoption; bullet joint foster care, custody, and visitation (including non-biological parents); bullet status as next - of - kin for hospital visits and medical decisions where one partner is too ill to be competent; bullet joint insurance policies for home, auto and health; bullet dissolution and divorce protections such as community property and child support; bullet immigration and residency for partners from other countries; bullet inheritance automatically in the absence of a will; bullet joint leases with automatic renewal rights in the event one partner dies or leaves the house or apartment; bullet inheritance of jointly - owned real and personal property through the right of survivorship (which avoids the time and expense and taxes in probate); bullet benefits such as annuities, pension plans, Social Security, and Medicare; bullet spousal exemptions to property tax increases upon the death of one partner who is a co-owner of the home; bullet veterans» discounts on medical care, education, and home loans; joint filing of tax returns; bullet joint filing of customs claims when traveling; bullet wrongful death benefits for a surviving partner and children; bullet bereavement or sick leave to care for a partner or child; bullet decision - making power with respect to whether a deceased partner will be cremated or not and where to bury him or her; bullet crime victims» recovery benefits; bullet loss of consortium tort benefits; bullet domestic violence protection orders; bullet judicial protections and evidentiary immunity; bullet and more...

From the far distant past right up until the twentieth century, humankind showed a tendency to divide and diversify into ever more ethnic groups, all of them retaining the tribal type of social life.

Other human rights violations that affect everyone, like a lack of food and mobility through the social classes, also affect women and young girls more harshly, often leading them into prostitution just so they can afford basic necessities.

’42 Indeed, women from all three continents, Africa, Asia and Latin America, say that «In the person and praxis of Jesus Christ, women of the three continents find the grounds of our liberation from all discrimination: sexual, racial, social, economic, political and religious... Christology is integrally linked with action on behalf of social justice and the defense of each person's right to life and to a more humane life.43 This means that Christology is about apartheid, sexual exploitation, poverty and oppression.

These publicists are aware of the irony of their position — that their own «upward social mobility was, in large part, made possible by the struggles of those in the civil rights movement and the more radical black activists they now scorn.

There has already been a swing to the political right in many democracies, and a call for more rigid social controls.

Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.

When the rights and responsibilities of individuals and groups are defined ambiguously, other social changes may render these tensions more opaque.

I shall later write a few more words explaining all this; but right now we must remember that ultimately every human race, every people, every religious, political, and social group has its own style of thinking and speaking.

In the middle of that crowd — which likely would have included more than a fair share of holy or influential or important or preferred or religious people — Jesus heads right for that tree and calls out to that guy — the one who is a social and religious outcast, ridiculously perched up in the branches — to come on down because Jesus wants to go to that guy's house for supper.

The more prophetic forms of Christianity that press toward human rights and social justice are precisely those most under attack by non-Christian militants at local levels, and many activists want to bring judgment against these religions.

Today we are moving, with great social turbulence and at a high but necessary cost, toward a more equitable set of social arrangements in which women are no longer regarded as the chattel of men; love, fidelity and mutual respect replace property rights and concern to reduce competition between related males for the same woman.

In political and social thought, no Christian has ever written a more profound defense of the democratic idea and its component parts, such as the dignity of the person, the sharp distinction between society and the state, the role of practical wisdom, the common good, the transcendent anchoring of human rights, transcendent judgment upon societies, and the interplay of goodness and evil in human individuals and institutions.

But if the first side wins out, as it is doing, the hope that social policy will assist in creating more harmonious social relations, better - working social institutions broadly accepted as the decent and right way to order society, can not be realized.

I was glad to join, because I suspected that the convergence of new ecological issues and old issues of social justice called for fresh ideas, more radical than those of the traditional left or right.

The situation in Europe, including Britain, is more nuanced than that in North America, largely because Europe's Muslim populations have a longer and more established social and political history in nations where Muslims (of the theological left, right and center) are represented by sophisticated networks of» mosques and political NGOs that defend the rights of Muslims and shape their participation in civic life, including the introduction of Islamic law for civil cases.

Like many social conservatives, especially Christian ones, I spend a lot of my time reading and writing about religious freedom, especially how it might be affected by the legalization of same - sex marriage and the campaign for «gay rights» more generally.Yet at the same time, I harbor doubts about the position we are staking out.You see, I sometimes think that Justice Scalia's majority opinion in Employment Division v. Smith may have been correct.

Even as God's work as Creator is in the deeper interest of every creature in a cosmic order that frees it to realize its own interests as fully as possible in solidarity with all its fellow creatures, so right actions toward others and, even more so, right structures of social and cultural order are byway of realizing the same deeper interest, thereby carrying forward God's own work of creation.

Hume's assertion that our «religious phase» may have been the «inevitable» precondition or «vessel» of secular morality (it isn't clear whether he means naturally or historically inevitable) can't get the ethical humanist secularist around the more haunting question of whether the secular political project of mass ethical secularism is viable, much less sustainable — especially if that social order is not to be grounded in philosophy, and especially if the politics in question must, as apparently it must, be one grounded in rights to freedoms.

Every movement to make America more fully realize its professed values has grown out of some form of public theology, from the abolitionists to the social gospel and the early socialist party to the civil rights movement under Martin Luther King and the farm workers» movement under Caesar Chavez.

The real struggle in all religious communities is for spiritual reformation opening themselves to enter into dialogue with other religions and with secular humanist ideologies regarding the nature and rights of the human person and the meaning of social justice enabling to build together a new spiritually - oriented humanism and a more humane society.

As the divine right monarchy came increasingly in the eighteenth century to defend its positions on the grounds of administrative reason and enlightened reform, the discourse of those resisting its rule also relied less on traditional religious appeals and more on secular ones, but the religious roots of all sides of the political and social debate were only obscured, never severed.

There exists an undeniable tension between left - leaning «social justice» Catholics and the right - leaning «pro-life» side; they share a conceit of primacy» one side sees itself as more compassionate; the other as more obedient.

It is at least conceivable that liberal societies such as West Germany, Great Britain, France, and the United States pay a more just respect to the rights of persons on the one hand and, on the other hand, to the building up of intermediate social bodies through reflection and choice than do some existing Catholic countries.

The state's propensity to assign individuals identities through voter registration lists and social security numbers or more generally to reinforce conceptions of individual rights serves as an example; the roles of educational systems (through individualized test scores) and professional careers (organized around cumulative skills attached to the individual's biography) provide further examples.7 This work is important because it shows the dependence of self - constructs on markers in the culture at large: the self is understood not only in terms of internal development but also as a product of external reinforcement.

Then the blog grew a little bit and I started to put more importance on posting however - many - times a week, making sure I was hitting up social media and doing all the «right stuff» as a blogger.

A panel debate between social media experts on how they are using their platforms to build connected and engaged communities that can help their businesses get closer to the right audience and potentially sell more wine

With the right software, venues can show a rotating selection of social media feeds, specials, digital menus, news, and much more.

More areas are in the pipeline, so connect via the social media buttons or Subscribe in the box to the right for notification of new posts.

The sport changes quickly enough that we're all just trying to keep up, and it's pretty terrific that a more deliberate, warmer voice retired RIGHT before social media began parsing every moment, quote, tweet, whatever.

Time for some brutal honesty... this team, as it stands, is in no better position to compete next season than they were 12 months ago, minus the fact that some fans have been easily snowed by the acquisition of Lacazette, the free transfer LB and the release of Sanogo... if you look at the facts carefully you will see a team that still has far more questions than answers... to better show what I mean by this statement I will briefly discuss the current state of affairs on a position - by - position basis... in goal we have 4 potential candidates, but in reality we have only 1 option with any real future and somehow he's the only one we have actively tried to get rid of for years because he and his father were a little too involved on social media and he got caught smoking (funny how people still defend Wiltshire under the same and far worse circumstances)... you would think we would want to keep any goaltender that Juventus had interest in, as they seem to have a pretty good history when it comes to that position... as far as the defenders on our current roster there are only a few individuals whom have the skill and / or youth worthy of our time and / or investment, as such we should get rid of anyone who doesn't meet those simple requirements, which means we should get rid of DeBouchy, Gibbs, Gabriel, Mertz and loan out Chambers to see if last seasons foray with Middlesborough was an anomaly or a prediction of things to come... some fans have lamented wildly about the return of Mertz to the starting lineup due to his FA Cup performance but these sort of pie in the sky meanderings are indicative of what's wrong with this club and it's wishy - washy fan - base... in addition to these moves the club should aggressively pursue the acquisition of dominant and mobile CB to stabilize an all too fragile defensive group that has self - destructed on numerous occasions over the past 5 seasons... moving forward and building on our need to re-establish our once dominant presence throughout the middle of the park we need to target a CDM then do whatever it takes to get that player into the fold without any of the usual nickel and diming we have become famous for (this kind of ruthless haggling has cost us numerous special players and certainly can't help make the player in question feel good about the way their future potential employer feels about them)... in order for us to become dominant again we need to be strong up the middle again from Goalkeeper to CB to DM to ACM to striker, like we did in our most glorious years before and during Wenger's reign... with this in mind, if we want Ozil to be that dominant attacking midfielder we can't keep leaving him exposed to constant ridicule about his lack of defensive prowess and provide him with the proper players in the final third... he was never a good defensive player in Real or with the German National squad and they certainly didn't suffer as a result of his presence on the pitch... as for the rest of the midfield the blame falls squarely in the hands of Wenger and Gazidis, the fact that Ramsey, Ox, Sanchez and even Ozil were allowed to regularly start when none of the aforementioned had more than a year left under contract is criminal for a club of this size and financial might... the fact that we could find money for Walcott and Xhaka, who weren't even guaranteed starters, means that our whole business model needs a complete overhaul... for me it's time to get rid of some serious deadweight, even if it means selling them below what you believe their market value is just to simply right this ship and change the stagnant culture that currently exists... this means saying goodbye to Wiltshire, Elneny, Carzola, Walcott and Ramsey... everyone, minus Elneny, have spent just as much time on the training table as on the field of play, which would be manageable if they weren't so inconsistent from a performance standpoint (excluding Carzola, who is like the recent version of Rosicky — too bad, both will be deeply missed)... in their places we need to bring in some proven performers with no history of injuries... up front, although I do like the possibilities that a player like Lacazette presents, the fact that we had to wait so many years to acquire some true quality at the striker position falls once again squarely at the feet of Wenger... this issue highlights the ultimate scam being perpetrated by this club since the arrival of Kroenke: pretend your a small market club when it comes to making purchases but milk your fans like a big market club when it comes to ticket prices and merchandising... I believe the reason why Wenger hasn't pursued someone of Henry's quality, minus a fairly inexpensive RVP, was that he knew that they would demand players of a similar ilk to be brought on board and that wasn't possible when the business model was that of a «selling» club... does it really make sense that we could only make a cheeky bid for Suarez, or that we couldn't get Higuain over the line when he was being offered up for half the price he eventually went to Juve for, or that we've only paid any interest to strikers who were clearly not going to press their current teams to let them go to Arsenal like Benzema or Cavani... just part of the facade that finally came crashing down when Sanchez finally called their bluff... the fact remains that no one wants to win more than Sanchez, including Wenger, and although I don't agree with everything that he has done off the field, I would much rather have Alexis front and center than a manager who has clearly bought into the Kroenke model in large part due to the fact that his enormous ego suggests that only he could accomplish great things without breaking the bank... unfortunately that isn't possible anymore as the game has changed quite dramatically in the last 15 years, which has left a largely complacent and complicit Wenger on the outside looking in... so don't blame those players who demanded more and were left wanting... don't blame those fans who have tried desperately to raise awareness for several years when cracks began to appear... place the blame at the feet of those who were well aware all along of the potential pitfalls of just such a plan but continued to follow it even when it was no longer a financial necessity, like it ever really was...

Paris Saint - Germain may be more happy to let Serge Aurier go after the right - back's public outbursts on social media against his manager and the club, although his recent arrest for assault in the French capital suggests he may be more trouble than he's worth.