Even broader than the vocation of the priests who serve the underprivileged is that of those who have been led to share in
movements for social reform, F. D. Maurice's Christian Socialism grew directly out of his theology and his view of the Church as the Kingdom of Christ and the priest as its servant.
Not exact matches
Communalism was stopping the
movement towards
social reforms aimed at justice
for women and the depressed groups.
«
For the first protracted period in its history,» he observed, «evangelical Christianity stands divorced from the great
social reform movements.»
Alcoholics Anonymous, drug rehabilitation centers, coalitions
for social and political
reforms, therapy clusters, the adult education
movement — these and other activities provide opportunities
for people to «get involved,» without the benefit of clergy.
For Graham Allen (Labour) and Caroline Lucas (Green Party) the Assemblies were one component in creating something approaching a
social movement around constitutional
reform.
Progressivism, a populist
reform movement in the early twentieth century, espoused by Presidents like Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and grounded in Protestant moralism, which sought to make government both more responsive to the plight of the people,
for instance using Constitutional amendments to deal with
social problems like alcoholism and using government force to quash monopolies, and at the same time more representative of the will of the electorate,
for instance instituting more democracy like the direct election of Senators and ending the corruption of Machine politics in the cities.
Could have convinced the party that blue Labours view on Immigration and socially conservative views on communities such as religion, working with the state to subsidise locally run charities, was something, that could bring into our party working class people not already connected, by the groups associated with our
movements (Trade unions, the Co-op, retired union affiliates) after the disaster of the World cup, owl gate and then the Ill prepared speech at the IPFF on
social change and trying to deflect attention from it by rushing out the «well make unemployed teenagers work
for their dole» plan, it's hard to see us being able to be taken serious on welfare
reform.
What has become clear is that explicitly focusing on the educational concerns of poor and minority children regardless of where they live, and expanding that to the criminal justice
reform and other the
social issues that end up touching (and are touched by) American public education, is critical, both in helping all children succeed as well as rallying long - terms support
for the
movement from the parents and communities that care
for them.
But, in a predictable paradox, by attaching their incentives agenda to standardized testing, the
reform movement has induced cheating on a never - before - seen scale, proving the maxim known as Campbell's Law: «The more any quantitative
social indicator is used
for social decision - making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the
social processes it is intended to monitor.»
In the next breath, however, he confusingly characterizes progressive
reform during that same time period as «radical» — the Common School
movement,
for example, in which education was first envisioned as the province of the entire public, regardless of money or
social status.
Her forthcoming book, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land: How the Landless Workers
Movement Transformed Brazilian Education (Oxford University Press) examines the educational initiatives of the Brazilian Landless Workers
Movement (MST), a national
social movement of rural workers struggling
for agrarian
reform.
Think first about how the dominant policy paradigms in America — tax cuts
for the rich, deregulation and budget cuts to
social services — exacerbate inequality and poverty, but also benefit the major corporations that fund the «
reform»
movement.
Without offering any actual evidence, Mr. Mucher suggests that prospective teachers have been scared off from applying to his program by much of the agenda of the corporate
reform movement: increasing accountability demands placed on teachers, using student test scores to determine teachers» effectiveness ratings, and «the way teachers are blamed
for much broader
social problems.»
Like Nesbit, Olive Wellwood belongs to the Fabian Society, a group that advocated
for democratic socialism and
social reforms, and the novel concerns itself with progressive
social and artistic
movements as well as fairy tales and folklore.
We have to build on this early attempt to develop effective legislation and begin once again to build a
social movement to convince elected leaders of the need
for law
reform.