For the moment, there aren't votes in Parliament to roll back Britain's domestic climate policies, but advocates worry that could change.
For the duration of their appointment, they are considered to have the same status as MSPs but they do
not vote in parliament.
Not exact matches
They have also demanded a new
vote on the budget for next year after the government approved the spending plan by
not putting it though
parliament, but holding the
vote in an nearby chamber, with a high number of government supporters — something that the country's opposition deemed as «illegal.»
The ongoing dispute between so - called Remainers and Brexiteers about this relationship took another turn last week when a majority of the U.K.'s House of Lords — the upper house of
parliament —
voted that the U.K. should stay
in a customs union with the EU, something the government under Prime Minister Theresa May has said would
not happen.
«You're so ridiculously proud of your self - declared majority, but you don't have enough
votes to approve the Afghanistan decree,» Berlusconi said
in parliament.
Kosovo's opposition lawmakers release a teargas canister inside the country's
parliament in before a
vote for an agreement to ratify or
not a border demarcation deal signed
in 2015 with Montenegro.
So they forced an election they couldn't possibly win by defeating the Conservatives on a confidence
vote in Parliament — and gave Prime Minister Stephen Harper something he couldn't get without their invaluable help — a majority government with no chance of being defeated for four years.
A Borrowing Authority Bill was viewed as a «money bill» and therefore regarded as a «
vote of confidence», and would result
in the defeat of the government if
not approved by
Parliament.
Yes to democracy: proportional representation, a
Parliament held
in respect,
not contempt, and laws that encourage rather than suppress the
vote.
We have the Greens who have won a significant number of
votes and the FDP [Free Democratic Party], which is a party that actually wasn't even
in the
parliament of the last election.
He just didn't have the right to
vote for representatives to
Parliament — just as residents of DC or Puerto Rico don't have representatives
in Congress (the old «taxation without representation» complaint.)
This means that the British government - whoever they may be at the time - will always be happy with the fact that Sinn Féin don't take their seats - this time around, that's 7 opposing
votes they don't have to worry about
in parliament.
In the light of last night's vote in the House of Commons on whether or not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or not and how such decisions should be decide
In the light of last night's
vote in the House of Commons on whether or not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or not and how such decisions should be decide
in the House of Commons on whether or
not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on
Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or
not and how such decisions should be decided.
Indeed they are so illuminating that the Brexit Secretary, David Davis, explored aloud
in front of the Brexit Committee on Wednesday the possibility that
Parliament might
not get a
vote on the deal until the UK has left the EU.
Of course a recall law where 50 % of the electorate (I presume you mean those partaking
in a referendum and
not those entitled to
vote absolutely) can dissolve
Parliament would be a severe challenge to FPTP, as right now no majority party can dream of attaining 50 % of the
vote in a general election.
(
In these elections United Left has
not received enough
votes to enter the
parliament.)
What I don't really see is how the Labour party holding three pilots
in this
Parliament, or even selecting all of its candidates
in some form of primary at the next election or the time after would make any really significant difference to arguments for or against first - past - the - post, the Alternative
Vote, AV +, AMS, STV and various hybrids thereof.
... Article 50 simply can
not be invoked without a full debate and
vote in Parliament.
In several of these cases (1951, 1966 and Oct 1974) the parliament was either hung, or the Prime minister had a majority of less than 10 (which is not considered to be a «working majority» in the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a vote of no - confidenc
In several of these cases (1951, 1966 and Oct 1974) the
parliament was either hung, or the Prime minister had a majority of less than 10 (which is
not considered to be a «working majority»
in the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a vote of no - confidenc
in the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a
vote of no - confidence.
It is therefore vital that a truly meaningful
vote should be held within the time frame of the article 50 negotiations and
not be left to verbal assurances —
not least because there is no guarantee who will be leading the Conservative party by next autumn, nor indeed where the balance of power might be
in any future government or hung
parliament.
But even with the Greek system which gives an extra 50 seats
in the 300 seat
parliament to the party with the largest share of the
vote, it is
not at all certain that the two big old parties will have a majority.
«Ukip is getting itself now into a position
in some of the marginals where it is
in a serious position to win a seat
in parliament and
not just to split the
vote.»
«We want to point out that
in any discussion with our partners we have to start from a fundamental constitutional principle, the same
in the US and Romania, according to which the debates, decisions and
votes in the
Parliament take place
in the name of the sovereignty of the people and can
not be the object of any form of pressure,» reads the quoted communiqué issued by the heads of the two Chambers.
In a parliamentary system the party in power is the one with the most votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seat
In a parliamentary system the party
in power is the one with the most votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seat
in power is the one with the most
votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seat
in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual
votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seat
in the election, even if they didn't get the most seats.
Tyrie has been dismissive of this, saying
in a statement after the session: «The Commission's proposals would ultimately enable the UK
parliament to impose legislation on England and would
not deliver the pledge to secure English
votes for English laws.»
Gerrymandering is all about drawing electoral boundaries such that the artifact of most electoral systems (that one citizen's
vote doesn't translate directly into
voting weight
in parliament) can override the natural outcome of a
vote.
If a citizen's
vote translates directly to
votes in parliament it doesn't matter which way you carve the seats, the party
in power will be the one with the most citizens supporting it.
If you stir
in legislation such as the European Referendum Act 2015 which set the question to appear on the ballot paper but failed to address the legal consequences of a
vote to leave, and the anomalies thrown up by the Fixed Term
Parliaments Act 2011,
not least the ability to avoid a fixed - term, then the unsatisfactory basis upon which the country has gone to the polls three times
in the last three years is underscored.
It hasn't been put to a
vote in this current
parliament, but there's a clear sense of the direction of their thinking.
In both cases, many
votes are wasted and there are massive distortions between the make - up of the
parliament and the popular
vote so the added complexity does
not solve any of the problems you set out to address.
But putting the party policy to one side, it's
not clear that MPs
in a
parliament formed under these results would ever
vote to leave the single market.
(i) if the government is defeated
in a
vote of no confidence and
parliament does
not vote to express confidence
in a government within two weeks, or
Tory grandee Ken Clarke said: «On the question of the parliamentary role, I think the Prime Minister was
not relying on the archaic, narrow interpretation of the Royal prerogative, which no government has invoked
in this country for over 50 years - they have always come to
Parliament for debates and
votes if possible on any military action.
The Green party may
not emerge from the general election with more representation
in parliament but it is on course to win its highest - ever
vote — and it will be Labour and the Liberal Democrats who feel its impact the most.
a constituency candidate for a component party of that party (being a component party that is
not listed on the part of the ballot paper that relates to the party
vote but is,
in accordance with the details held by the Electoral Commission under any of the provisions of sections 127 (3A) and 128A, a component party of that party) has his or her name endorsed on a writ under section 185 as a person declared to be elected as a member of
Parliament.
I'm
not excusing homophobia, I just don't think that your attempt to associate the British Conservatives with every element of domestic Lithuanian politics because one of the members of the ECR
voted with the majority
in the Lithuanian
Parliament holds water.
British Election Study data released today (collected between February and March 2014) shows that 17 % of people intend to
vote for UKIP
in the May European
Parliament elections (23 % when counting only people giving a party choice, excluding «don't know» responses).
For once,
not a LibDem issue, but a broader one where UKIP came third
in the popular
vote and may have one MP whereas the SNP is significantly overrepresented
in the UK
Parliament according to its share of
vote.
The precedent of
not putting private member bills to
vote further limits the powers of the private members
in the
Parliament.
In our post bag this month: the unitary authority debate sparks anger, fierce resistance to compulsory
voting and
Parliament isn't all about the commons
How should Members of
Parliament (MPs) react to a referendum
vote when their own views do
not tally with those of the voters
in their constituency?
European
Parliament elections also seem to be becoming worse predictors of general election results (the same is
not true for local elections)-- the difference between
vote shares at European and general elections for the 1999 EP election was 7.5, 8.5 for 2004, and 10.3
in 2009.
[1] More generally, the key voters are Labour supporters who are
voting in the local / devolved
parliament elections and who aren't interested
in electoral reform.
We elect people to represent us
in parliament,
not a bunch of has beens most of which are never wasers, collecting # 305 per day for having a kip at our expense, and casting their demented opinions and wake up for long enough to
vote.
Almost inevitably, those who
voted Labour
in 2011 particularly react adversely to the former prospect, Conservatives to the latter, while
in both cases they are joined
in switching towards Yes by some voters who did
not vote at the last Scottish
Parliament election.
May has cast herself,
not just since the referendum
vote, but since her arrival
in parliament, as a steady pair of hands.
This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the
vote to dissolve
parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support
in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can
not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.
Professor Hermann Schmitt examines three explanations for
not turning out to
vote in European
Parliament elections.
«
Not allowing Scottish MPs in the UK Parliament in Westminster to vote on issues that do not impact on Scotland&raq
Not allowing Scottish MPs
in the UK
Parliament in Westminster to
vote on issues that do
not impact on Scotland&raq
not impact on Scotland»
If that MP can be the sole voice speaking up for, representing, the party
in the
parliament when there is a party political debate, why can
not that MP
vote on behalf of the party, and why should that
vote not reflect the full weight of
votes determined by the
votes cast by the electorate
in the General Election?