Even so, the increase
for nondefense discretionary spending — a category that covers just about every research agency including NIH, NASA, and the National Science Foundation — is the largest since the original caps were first put in place in 2011 through the Budget Control Act.
In total, the President's budget contains about $ 50 billion more in FY 2002
in nondefense discretionary spending (out of which all nondefense R&D is funded) than the FY 1996 congressional budget resolution.
This year's resolution, approved by the House Budget Committee earlier this month, has tax and entitlement reform as its major goals, but also recommends a big boost for defense discretionary spending at the expense
of nondefense discretionary spending — a recommendation similar to what the White House proposed.
Over the past four decades, except in the 1960s during the heyday of the Apollo Program (which in respect to R&D funding was an exceptional situation), trends in nondefense R&D spending have closely followed trends in
overall nondefense discretionary spending, and trends in total federal R&D, including defense, have tracked total discretionary spending.
«Further, the president's budget, which
cuts nondefense discretionary spending while significantly increasing defense spending eliminates the parity between defense and nondefense spending that has been a hallmark of America's recent fiscal policy.»
During a Thursday budget hearing, for instance, House Appropriator Rep. Ken Calvert (R - CA) told Defense Secretary James Mattis, «Most if not all of us agree that the base on defense must go up... but the funding on military can not be obtained on the back
of nondefense discretionary spending.
By 2027,
nondefense discretionary spending would be reduced 16 percent below current law base spending.
«There's nobody that's wrong on estimates right now,» Bossert said, when asked about a suggestion from Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) that recovery needs might exceed $ 100 billion — a figure that would represent about 10 percent of what the federal government spends each year on
all nondefense discretionary spending combined.
In fact in FY 1996,
nondefense discretionary spending was the only category of federal spending that both sides agreed to cut.
The figures would also be affected, of course, by how Congress and the Administration chose to allocate the reductions between the major budget categories of defense and
nondefense discretionary spending.
While the Trump Administration has proposed deep cuts to
nondefense discretionary spending to allow a defense increase, that approach has been widely rejected, if for no other reason than it would require the politically impossible hurdle of 60 votes in the Senate.
To reach that defense spending goal, however, Congress will need to agree to change to change a 2011 law, known as the Budget Control Act (BCA), that places binding caps on defense and
nondefense discretionary spending, which accounts for roughly one - third of the $ 3.5 trillion that the federal government spends annually.
The 2 - year budget deal gives Congress only $ 5 billion more to spend in fiscal 2019 for
nondefense discretionary spending than it had this year.
The new spending package raises caps on defense and
nondefense discretionary spending (in $ billions) over two years.
The publication also explains that, within two years,
nondefense discretionary spending will be a smaller percentage of our economy than ever before if lawmakers do not replace sequestration with a more comprehensive deficit reduction strategy.