Sentences with phrase «nondefense spending»

For Immediate Release Senate leaders have agreed to a massive budget deal raising the defense and nondefense spending caps for two years, increasing...
With the House of Representatives mulling a $ 5 billion reduction in nondefense spending in FY 2018, it puts the squeeze on many science and technology programs in House legislation.
For FY 2018, House budgeteers recommend trimming nondefense spending by $ 7.5 billion below current - year levels, while boosting defense by $ 71 billion above current levels.
Once they'd guessed, half of the participants were told the actual amount that the federal government allocates for nondefense spending on research and development.
The budget would also zero out the Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) account and cap exempt nondefense spending, placing the defense funds in the base defense category and eliminating the nondefense OCO funds.
But the Senate's Commerce, Justice, and Science (CJS) bill, which also includes NASA and the Commerce Department, is $ 3.2 billion smaller this year compared to last year, a victim of tight nondefense spending overall.
This would take nondefense spending into uncharted territory, pushing it below 2 percent of U.S. GDP for the first time in at least half a century (see graph below).
With this ambitious an attempt at shrinking nondefense spending, the impacts on science agencies would be far and wide, should Congress be willing to go along with it.
In February 2011, less than two months after taking office, Mulvaney proposed an amendment to the FY 2011 appropriations package that would have brought nondefense spending accounts back to 2006 levels.
In the final deal, policymakers did agree to increase the OCO budget over two years, but by only about $ 15 billion (in contrast with much larger Congressional proposals), and this is split between the Department of Defense and the Department of State, ensuring the defense / nondefense spending balance remains in place.
The White House has not said exactly how it would reduce nondefense spending by $ 54 billion to the targeted $ 461 billion, but has promised to slash foreign aid, the Environmental Protection Agency, and programs that address climate change.
Some Republicans are criticizing the defense increase as too small, and some Democrats have vowed to fight spending cuts and block any change to the 2011 law that does not increase nondefense spending.
Such a move would leave nondefense spending nearly 25 percent below FY 2010 levels, adjusted for inflation, while allowing defense to recover (Figures 2 and 3).
The automatic reductions — if triggered — would take the form of equal cuts (in dollar terms) in defense and nondefense spending starting in fiscal year 2013.
Total federal nondefense spending on research in 2014 exceeded $ 65 billion.)
Because Democrats can block appropriations bills in the Senate, given the 60 - vote threshold there, the two parties need to reach a deal to raise limits on defense and nondefense spending enacted in 2011.
Senate leaders have agreed to a massive budget deal raising the defense and nondefense spending caps for two years, increasing other spending, and in the process adding $ 300 billion to $ 400 billion to the deficit.
In the magnitude that they're talking about, cutting about $ 100 billion in nondefense spending, it's feasible, but it would generate an enormous amount of conflict between Democrats and Republicans, between the House and Senate, and most importantly within Republican ranks.
The flash point in the funding - bill fight is a Democratic demand that the bill include an equal - size funding increase in defense and nondefense spending.
The new federal budget plan matters and is increasing defense and nondefense spending to the tune of $ 300 billion, which would put the fiscal year 2019 deficit at over $ 1 trillion or 6 % of gross domestic product (GDP).
Yesterday's summary also noted that these research cuts — unprecedented in scale for a new administration — are facilitated by long - term cuts to the nondefense spending caps.
Democrats had for months insisted on equal increases for defense and nondefense spending, but in the end did not secure such parity.
As was pointed out, nondefense spending would drop by 29 percent over the next decade under the White House budget.
In fact, both defense and nondefense spending will now be lifted far above what the Budget Control Act ever allowed even before sequestration kicked in, underscoring the return of Congressional preferences for spending over fiscal discipline (see graph showing nondefense spending below, and click here to see defense spending).
«Further, the president's budget, which cuts nondefense discretionary spending while significantly increasing defense spending eliminates the parity between defense and nondefense spending that has been a hallmark of America's recent fiscal policy.»
M.H.: Last year's budget proposed big cuts to nondefense spending, and now Congress has gone in the complete opposite direction.
Under current law, both defense and nondefense spending are slated for small reductions in FY 2018.
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