Sentences with phrase «not desegregation»

Denver — The Denver school board's proposal to end eight years of mandatory busing, formulated in response to a judge's request for a «unitary, non-racial» enrollment policy, is not a desegregation plan, school officials admitted in federal district court last week.

Not exact matches

MannaTi, the same arguments were NOT made against desegregation and women.

Racial desegregation in the schools can not take place in isolation but must be part of a broad attack on bias in many directions.

The school desegregation story illustrates the general principle that to the degree that control of education is not exercised with a sense of responsibility for justice, Federal control will be introduced.

In fact, social conservatives in the USA, led by Christian conservatives, have fought or disagreed with religious diversity, religious equality, abolition of slavery, Suffrage, desegregation, integrating the armed forces, Brown v Board of Education, mixed race marriages, respect and equality for Jews (not in MY country club!)

This is why I believe it's so important to study both historical religious arguments supporting the abolition of slavery and historical religious arguments opposing the abolition of slavery (see my post on Mark Noll's The Civil War as a Theological Crisis» for a sampling), as well as historical religious arguments supporting desegregation and historical religious arguments opposing desegregation — not because I believe both sides are equal, but because the patterns of argumentation that emerge are so unnervingly familiar:

Even where, as in Charlotte, they and their liberal allies control the school board, they have pushed the counterintuitive argument that courts should force the boards to continue busing on the grounds that they have not complied with the original desegregation decrees and need continued court supervision.

There's also a whole discussion about the fact that schools that are more racially diverse seem to have more stratification, so the reality of desegregation isn't what we thought / think it would be.

Desegregation's critics hold it to too high a standard, implying that unless desegregation solves all educational challenges, it is not worthDesegregation's critics hold it to too high a standard, implying that unless desegregation solves all educational challenges, it is not worthdesegregation solves all educational challenges, it is not worth the trouble.

Not long after Brown, the courts began backing away from desegregation as a means toward equal educational opportunity.

Although some research finds that such benefits exist, the available data have not permitted researchers to confirm the causal effects of desegregation on nonacademic benefits for the same reasons that it is difficult to produce convincing findings on academic benefits: the nonrandom sorting of students among school environments and the real possibility that forced busing may produce effects very different from those of living in a racially or socioeconomically mixed community.

SE: In his seminal 1972 study titled Inequality, the Harvard - based sociologist and statistician Christopher Jencks wrote, «The case for or against desegregation should not be argued in terms of academic achievement.

In the focus groups we ran, people often discussed the downsides of desegregation — the biggest of which is lack of belongingness, especially for students of color who, in many desegregated schools, do not get welcomed in the same way, or get access to the same experience as white students.

Dr. Harris: Research suggests that court - ordered desegregation is not as effective as programs created voluntarily by governments and politicians.

In an article about Frankenberg's study that was published in The Birmingham News in December, U.W. Clemon, a retired U.S. district court judge who was involved in desegregation cases in the 1960s, said that as a result of fragmentation, the schools in Jefferson County are «resegregated» today, and not by accident.

In the wake of Boston's painful desegregation process in 1974, monies were made available to fund such projects in schools where racial tensions had not only simmered, but boiled over.

Kansas City schools were already predominantly minority, and the Supreme Court had ruled in the Detroit case that surrounding school districts not found guilty of segregation could not be pulled into a case to provide more white students for desegregation.

In 1954, the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education found legally segregated schools to be unconstitutional, but it was not until the legislative and executive branches put the full strength of the federal government behind desegregation efforts, by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that serious progress was made in the South.

That seminal law explicitly states that «desegregation» means the assignment of students to schools «without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin,» and shall not be interpreted to mean «the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome racial imbalance.»

The sweeping anti-busing legislation — approved by the Senate as part of a bill providing funds for the Justice Department this year — not only forbids the Justice Department from bringing desegregation suits that could result in busing and limits the power of federal courts to order busing for such purposes, but allows Justice Department officials to support the removal of court - ordered busing plans already in operation.

The impact that the changing demographic composition of schools could have on the achievement of black students is not clear, especially given the difficulty of isolating the effects of desegregation.

«My intense desire to see my school excel comes not only from an unwavering belief that all students deserve an excellent education, but also the unique role Sousa played in the civil rights movement,» said Kamras referring to a challenge to segregation at Sousa that culminated in Bolling v. Sharpe, the 1954 Supreme Court case that paved the way for the desegregation of all DC public schools.

In addition, these studies capture only the most direct impacts of the desegregation program and are limited to a few interventions that may not be typical.

The Supreme Court softened its stance on desegregation in the 1990s, ruling that school districts could not be held responsible for low student achievement in segregated settings.

For example, early on, President Lyndon Johnson's administration said the report endorsed its desegregation efforts by showing that blacks benefited from an integrated educational experience while whites did not suffer from it.

Although some have argued that a renewed emphasis on desegregation could help narrow the gap, a new EdNext analysis shows that over this same time period, schools have continued to become more, not less, diverse.

One in four state charter laws includes a desegregation clause, and some voucher programs, like Cleveland's, were begun to address what desegregation orders had not.

Though they differ in their interpretation of the «success» (or not) of desegregation, they agree on the fundamentals: Integration helps to raise minority student achievement, but it's not nearly a strong enough intervention by itself to close achievement gaps.

This is not to imply that the original argument can simply be readjusted in light of the failure of the desegregation movement.

Charter schools were not set up, as the authors assert, to be «a force for desegregation,» admirable as that goal is.

The Justice and Education departments still have not determined how to address existing desegregation cases — and whether or where to bring new ones — and have received little guidance from the White House in crafting civil - rights policy, the Citizens» Commission on Civil Rights, a bipartisan panel of former federal civil - rights officials and other advocates, says in a report released last week.

Under the new program, however, magnet schools not only had to aid desegregation, but also had to focus on improving the quality of education in order to qualify for funds.

As Gary Orfield's Civil Rights Project at Harvard has shown, school desegregation is being dismantled, not advanced.

Before the 21st century, he notes, the federal government did not tell states and local school districts how to run their schools, with the exception of areas like desegregation and special education where there had been court rulings.

Thus, although proponents of magnet schools have not disavowed the desegregation goal that is the program's roots, they currently place almost equal emphasis on magnets as instruments of school choice.

A national school - desegregation study by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights is «so flawed that it can not be carried out in a way that will either be seen as professionally respectable or fair,» an advisor to the commission wrote last week in a letter of resignation.

In a «full evidentiary hearing,» Denver School Superintendent Joseph Brzeinski told U.S. District Judge Richard P. Matsch that the board's controversial «Total Access Plan» is an educational program that does not even mention school desegregation.

In a 70 - page opinion, U.S. District Judge Richard P. Matsch released the Denver schools from 21 years of federal oversight and upheld a 1974 amendment to the state constitution prohibiting districts not under federal desegregation orders from busing children for racial balance.

Leaving the desegregation orders in place, he nevertheless acknowledged that the state's data showed that vouchers were promoting racial balance and said he did not want to scuttle the program.

But like an old, out - of - date suit collecting dust in the back of the closet, desegregation cases affecting hundreds of districts haven't been concluded.

(b) «Desegregation» means the assignment of students to public schools and within such schools without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin, but «desegregation» shall not mean the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome raciDesegregation» means the assignment of students to public schools and within such schools without regard to their race, color, religion, or national origin, but «desegregation» shall not mean the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome racidesegregation» shall not mean the assignment of students to public schools in order to overcome racial imbalance.

True, desegregation in places like Boston was a failure because it mixed poor whites and poor blacks and spawned white flight by not giving parents any say in the matter of where their children went to school.

Integration isn't the same as desegregation.

William Bradford Reynolds, the assistant attorney general for civil rights, said that the Justice Department's practice of seeking desegregation remedies other than the mandatory busing of students «is not evidence of any decision to countenance unlawful school segregation.

Columbia University professor Amy Stuart Wells, for example, concluded that the decisions of St. Louis parents participating in a voluntary desegregation program were based «on a perception that county is better than city and white is better than black, not on factual information about the schools.»

A federal district judge can order increases in property taxes, but not income taxes, to fund costly school - desegregation remedies in Kansas City, Mo., an appellate panel has ruled.

White parents who could not afford public schools, but wanted their children to socialize only with others of their race and caste, could simply move across the district line to avoid desegregation.

Buses for school desegregation rarely crossed the urban - suburban boundary, thanks to a Supreme Court ruling in 1974, which meant that suburban students would not have to participate in court - ordered desegregation of city schools.

«I can't remember the last time anyone in a leadership position said anything about desegregation,» said Diane Ravitch, an education historian at New York University.

«I can't think of any administration that was in love with school desegregation efforts,» said Columbia Law School Professor Ted Shaw, who worked as a trial attorney at the Justice Department during the Carter and Reagan administrations.