Sentences with phrase «not vote in parliament»

For the duration of their appointment, they are considered to have the same status as MSPs but they do not vote in parliament.

For the moment, there aren't votes in Parliament to roll back Britain's domestic climate policies, but advocates worry that could change.

Not exact matches

They have also demanded a new vote on the budget for next year after the government approved the spending plan by not putting it though parliament, but holding the vote in an nearby chamber, with a high number of government supporters — something that the country's opposition deemed as «illegal.»

The ongoing dispute between so - called Remainers and Brexiteers about this relationship took another turn last week when a majority of the U.K.'s House of Lords — the upper house of parliament — voted that the U.K. should stay in a customs union with the EU, something the government under Prime Minister Theresa May has said would not happen.

«You're so ridiculously proud of your self - declared majority, but you don't have enough votes to approve the Afghanistan decree,» Berlusconi said in parliament.

Kosovo's opposition lawmakers release a teargas canister inside the country's parliament in before a vote for an agreement to ratify or not a border demarcation deal signed in 2015 with Montenegro.

So they forced an election they couldn't possibly win by defeating the Conservatives on a confidence vote in Parliament — and gave Prime Minister Stephen Harper something he couldn't get without their invaluable help — a majority government with no chance of being defeated for four years.

A Borrowing Authority Bill was viewed as a «money bill» and therefore regarded as a «vote of confidence», and would result in the defeat of the government if not approved by Parliament.

Yes to democracy: proportional representation, a Parliament held in respect, not contempt, and laws that encourage rather than suppress the vote.

We have the Greens who have won a significant number of votes and the FDP [Free Democratic Party], which is a party that actually wasn't even in the parliament of the last election.

He just didn't have the right to vote for representatives to Parliament — just as residents of DC or Puerto Rico don't have representatives in Congress (the old «taxation without representation» complaint.)

This means that the British government - whoever they may be at the time - will always be happy with the fact that Sinn Féin don't take their seats - this time around, that's 7 opposing votes they don't have to worry about in parliament.

In the light of last night's vote in the House of Commons on whether or not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or not and how such decisions should be decideIn the light of last night's vote in the House of Commons on whether or not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or not and how such decisions should be decidein the House of Commons on whether or not to hold a referendum to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, Unlock Democracy is calling on Parliament to decide new rules over whether legislation has constitutional implications or not and how such decisions should be decided.

Indeed they are so illuminating that the Brexit Secretary, David Davis, explored aloud in front of the Brexit Committee on Wednesday the possibility that Parliament might not get a vote on the deal until the UK has left the EU.

Of course a recall law where 50 % of the electorate (I presume you mean those partaking in a referendum and not those entitled to vote absolutely) can dissolve Parliament would be a severe challenge to FPTP, as right now no majority party can dream of attaining 50 % of the vote in a general election.

(In these elections United Left has not received enough votes to enter the parliament.)

What I don't really see is how the Labour party holding three pilots in this Parliament, or even selecting all of its candidates in some form of primary at the next election or the time after would make any really significant difference to arguments for or against first - past - the - post, the Alternative Vote, AV +, AMS, STV and various hybrids thereof.

... Article 50 simply can not be invoked without a full debate and vote in Parliament.

In several of these cases (1951, 1966 and Oct 1974) the parliament was either hung, or the Prime minister had a majority of less than 10 (which is not considered to be a «working majority» in the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a vote of no - confidencIn several of these cases (1951, 1966 and Oct 1974) the parliament was either hung, or the Prime minister had a majority of less than 10 (which is not considered to be a «working majority» in the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a vote of no - confidencin the UK's parliamentary system) and so you can say that they «jumped» to call an election before they were «pushed» by losing a vote of no - confidence.

It is therefore vital that a truly meaningful vote should be held within the time frame of the article 50 negotiations and not be left to verbal assurances — not least because there is no guarantee who will be leading the Conservative party by next autumn, nor indeed where the balance of power might be in any future government or hung parliament.

But even with the Greek system which gives an extra 50 seats in the 300 seat parliament to the party with the largest share of the vote, it is not at all certain that the two big old parties will have a majority.

«Ukip is getting itself now into a position in some of the marginals where it is in a serious position to win a seat in parliament and not just to split the vote.»

«We want to point out that in any discussion with our partners we have to start from a fundamental constitutional principle, the same in the US and Romania, according to which the debates, decisions and votes in the Parliament take place in the name of the sovereignty of the people and can not be the object of any form of pressure,» reads the quoted communiqué issued by the heads of the two Chambers.

In a parliamentary system the party in power is the one with the most votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seatIn a parliamentary system the party in power is the one with the most votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seatin power is the one with the most votes in parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seatin parliament and that would always correspond to the party that won the most actual votes in the election, even if they didn't get the most seatin the election, even if they didn't get the most seats.

Tyrie has been dismissive of this, saying in a statement after the session: «The Commission's proposals would ultimately enable the UK parliament to impose legislation on England and would not deliver the pledge to secure English votes for English laws.»

Gerrymandering is all about drawing electoral boundaries such that the artifact of most electoral systems (that one citizen's vote doesn't translate directly into voting weight in parliament) can override the natural outcome of a vote.

If a citizen's vote translates directly to votes in parliament it doesn't matter which way you carve the seats, the party in power will be the one with the most citizens supporting it.

If you stir in legislation such as the European Referendum Act 2015 which set the question to appear on the ballot paper but failed to address the legal consequences of a vote to leave, and the anomalies thrown up by the Fixed Term Parliaments Act 2011, not least the ability to avoid a fixed - term, then the unsatisfactory basis upon which the country has gone to the polls three times in the last three years is underscored.

It hasn't been put to a vote in this current parliament, but there's a clear sense of the direction of their thinking.

In both cases, many votes are wasted and there are massive distortions between the make - up of the parliament and the popular vote so the added complexity does not solve any of the problems you set out to address.

But putting the party policy to one side, it's not clear that MPs in a parliament formed under these results would ever vote to leave the single market.

(i) if the government is defeated in a vote of no confidence and parliament does not vote to express confidence in a government within two weeks, or

Tory grandee Ken Clarke said: «On the question of the parliamentary role, I think the Prime Minister was not relying on the archaic, narrow interpretation of the Royal prerogative, which no government has invoked in this country for over 50 years - they have always come to Parliament for debates and votes if possible on any military action.

The Green party may not emerge from the general election with more representation in parliament but it is on course to win its highest - ever vote — and it will be Labour and the Liberal Democrats who feel its impact the most.

a constituency candidate for a component party of that party (being a component party that is not listed on the part of the ballot paper that relates to the party vote but is, in accordance with the details held by the Electoral Commission under any of the provisions of sections 127 (3A) and 128A, a component party of that party) has his or her name endorsed on a writ under section 185 as a person declared to be elected as a member of Parliament.

I'm not excusing homophobia, I just don't think that your attempt to associate the British Conservatives with every element of domestic Lithuanian politics because one of the members of the ECR voted with the majority in the Lithuanian Parliament holds water.

British Election Study data released today (collected between February and March 2014) shows that 17 % of people intend to vote for UKIP in the May European Parliament elections (23 % when counting only people giving a party choice, excluding «don't know» responses).

For once, not a LibDem issue, but a broader one where UKIP came third in the popular vote and may have one MP whereas the SNP is significantly overrepresented in the UK Parliament according to its share of vote.

The precedent of not putting private member bills to vote further limits the powers of the private members in the Parliament.

In our post bag this month: the unitary authority debate sparks anger, fierce resistance to compulsory voting and Parliament isn't all about the commons

How should Members of Parliament (MPs) react to a referendum vote when their own views do not tally with those of the voters in their constituency?

European Parliament elections also seem to be becoming worse predictors of general election results (the same is not true for local elections)-- the difference between vote shares at European and general elections for the 1999 EP election was 7.5, 8.5 for 2004, and 10.3 in 2009.

[1] More generally, the key voters are Labour supporters who are voting in the local / devolved parliament elections and who aren't interested in electoral reform.

We elect people to represent us in parliament, not a bunch of has beens most of which are never wasers, collecting # 305 per day for having a kip at our expense, and casting their demented opinions and wake up for long enough to vote.

Almost inevitably, those who voted Labour in 2011 particularly react adversely to the former prospect, Conservatives to the latter, while in both cases they are joined in switching towards Yes by some voters who did not vote at the last Scottish Parliament election.

May has cast herself, not just since the referendum vote, but since her arrival in parliament, as a steady pair of hands.

This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.

Professor Hermann Schmitt examines three explanations for not turning out to vote in European Parliament elections.

«Not allowing Scottish MPs in the UK Parliament in Westminster to vote on issues that do not impact on Scotland&raqNot allowing Scottish MPs in the UK Parliament in Westminster to vote on issues that do not impact on Scotland&raqnot impact on Scotland»

If that MP can be the sole voice speaking up for, representing, the party in the parliament when there is a party political debate, why can not that MP vote on behalf of the party, and why should that vote not reflect the full weight of votes determined by the votes cast by the electorate in the General Election?