Sentences with phrase «of justice position»

«Elect MCE's, Separate Attorney General from Minister of Justice position.

Not exact matches

«Chief Justice Roberts could have serious misgivings about the unprecedented implications that Hobby Lobby's position could have in upturning centuries of corporate law practice,» Elizabeth Wydra, chief counsel Constitutional Accountability Center says.

He served as the U.S. attorney in Manhattan from 2005 to 2008, and previously held high - level positions in the Commerce Department, the Justice Department and the Department of Homeland Security.

So it's very inefficient and it's an unethical position, because if I'm making judgments in my head about you or vice versa and I'm not allowing you to be part of that decision and understand the criteria, one of the most basic things of justice is the right to face one's accuser.

Ultimately, looking more deeply and broadly into the foundations of the contesting positions on commercial surrogacy and the sex trade leads to the realization that even those who are committed to gender equality and social justice should reconsider the advisability of undermining the core concept of consent, and the desirability of criminal prohibitions.

The Justice Department will sum up its position that the deal should be blocked by the Federal District Court of the District of Columbia because it believes the merger will harm consumers and competition.

One opposition lawmaker said the ban was not a government position, but rather one that the Ministry of Justice and, possibly the president, hold themselves.

Laycock's hypothesis ripened into full - blown suspicion by June 2000 when Justice Stevens took the position that the free speech rights of the Boy Scouts were not violated by a state law requiring them to employ an avowed homosexual as an assistant scoutmaster.

I may be Catholic, but I'm not a maniac about it, runs their unofficial subtext — meaning: I'm happy to take credit for enlightened Catholic positions on the death penalty / social justice / civil rights, but of course I don't believe in those archaic teachings about divorce / homosexuality / and above all birth control.

The problem is not that Justice Stevens took the position that educational vouchers paid to parents and available for use in either secular or religious schools amounted to an establishment of religion.

Again, no one is claiming that Thomas's position is identical with Scalia's, but, given what the great Catholic theologian had to say about the limits of judicial authority in reference to the written law, his position is far closer to that of the late justice than to the idea of a «living» or «evolving» Constitution so ubiquitous today.

The position on abortion and euthanasia inexorably follows; justice requires the protection of both the unborn and those who are likely to become the objects of mercy killing.

I propose to show that insofar as Whitehead holds this view, even implicitly, he reverts to a Leibnizian position which fails to do justice to religious experience.1 I shall also suggest a way in which we can speak significantly of a temporality of God's freedom.

The culture of consumerism and the chase for material symbols of wealth and security have sometimes come to be dominant; the pursuit of spiritual fulfillment in many has slowly begun to degenerate into empty and sterile ritualism; the legitimate thirst for education has often become perverted into an obsessive drive to acquire with the greatest speed the formal diplomas necessary to gain entry to jobs offering the easiest opportunities to make the quickest rupees; political statesmanship in some areas has begun to depreciate into an opportunities race for power and position; the spirit of SEVA (Service) to the nation has intermittently begun to be suffocated in many, by the abuse of discretions, sometimes mediated by a bloated bureaucracy itself enmeshed in a vast network of multiplying paper and self - proliferating regulations; menacingly many good and decent people even in public life, have come to be corroded by a culture of demanding corruption; and some potentially creative lawyers, have begun to take perverted pride in mere «cleverness», rendering themselves vulnerable to the prejudice that they are a parasitic obstruction in the pursuit of substantive justice.

The majority opinion, issued by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, said that Hastings College of the Law's «all comers» policy, which required all groups to open all positions to all students, «is a reasonable, viewpoint - neutral condition on access to the student - organization forum.»

Alfred Neumann in Six of Them tells of a German professor of law who continued teaching in the early days of the Hitler regime, lecturing on justice with pointed reference to its subversion in the Nazi state.36 When fired from his position, the professor, his wife, and a loyal band of students publish secretly copies of his lectures and other material attacking the injustices of the regime.

In response to the Rhetoric Society of America's inquiry — what are Pope Benedict's reasons for positioning the Catholic Church as an essential link between enterprise and justice, and as a significant voice in the public discussion of globalization — I suggest a «spiritual....

Yet if he were seriously to accept the attitude of mind which prevails throughout the whole New Testament he might come to see that, although there are many things which appear to deny the love and justice of God in this life, he is quite literally in no position to judge the final issue.

Thus a characterization of theology and of what makes theological education theological that is cast, like Wood's, in terms of «action» already has conceptually built into it resources for addressing the justice issues so central to the sort of position illustrated by the Mud Flower Collective's proposal.

To resort simplistically to militantly pro-earth and antiprogress positions misses the vital Christian and humanistic point that our sojourn upon the earth is not yet completed and that we must continue to work unflaggingly toward social justice and the well - being of all people.

Prior to his present position, Dr. Niles was Director for Programme on Justice, Peace and the Integrity of Creation, World Council of Churches, Geneva, and was Senior Lecturer and Academic Dean at the Theological College of Lanka, Pilimaralawa, Sri Lanka.

This, of course, is nonsense, and not even Justice Black ever took such a position.

Every thoughtful person has understood that the pro-life position - explicitly and consistently articulated by the Catholic Church at every level of teaching authority - is that justice requires that every unborn child be cared for andprotected in law.

Positioned as Scot's «manifesto» of the Christian faith, One.Life touches on everything from the gospel, to justice, to sex, to vocation, to heaven & hell — all held together by the centrality of Christ's kingdom message.

Such a position, in my judgment, does not satisfactorily honor the claims of Justice.

Most of A Theory of Justice works out these procedural and (hence) political - ethical consequences of the veil of ignorance and the original position, and it is this material that has occupied most commentators.

This position sees no necessity of applying love to justice.

Catholic News Service: Pope names Boston priest to be Vatican's abuse investigator Pope Benedict XVI has named a canon lawyer from the Archdiocese of Boston to be the new promoter of justice in the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, a position that includes monitoring and investigating cases of priests accused of sex abuse.

It is, of course, a mark of the very greatest philosophers, of Kant for instance, that they have sought the middle way between those two positions, or rather have sought to do justice to the insights both contained.

It is tempting to pass this book off as propaganda, but no one should underestimate Carlson - Thies, who in 1992 began working, from his position at the Center for Public Justice, for the passage of Charitable Choice.

It is this rejection of downward causation, of course, that has led Kim to the recognition that his position can not do justice to our commonsense belief that, for example, we sometimes walk to the water fountain because we want a drink.

Finally, I can now draw some conclusions, while being aware that I am not in a position in to do full justice here to the depth and width of insights from the above - summarized case studies and their theological implications.

It would be preferable to have a metaphysical position that, besides doing justice to the human freedom that we can not help presupposing, correctly predicts the degree of success that the method of explaining events in terms of antecedents would have in various domains.

Like many social conservatives, especially Christian ones, I spend a lot of my time reading and writing about religious freedom, especially how it might be affected by the legalization of same - sex marriage and the campaign for «gay rights» more generally.Yet at the same time, I harbor doubts about the position we are staking out.You see, I sometimes think that Justice Scalia's majority opinion in Employment Division v. Smith may have been correct.

The latter are in a different position, and it may well be that those who bring this pressure are, on the whole, on the side of an objective justice.

The Pope's prophetic, even otherworldly positions on ecumenism, capital punishment, third «world debt relief, and a host of other issues of contemporary politics seem to be grounded in this insistence that our notions of justice be derived from the perfect justice and mercy of God.

The view of justice and mercy I sketched above, which takes seriously the nature and demands of perfect justice and divine mercy, incorporates some truths from both these positions.

One position is that value is simply what any given individual says it is; hence there can be no «external» justification of morality (virtue, justice, etc.) in anything other than one's own desires or feelings; i.e., value is entirely a matter of «taste.»

Stenberg represented a significant hardening of the abortion rights position of Justice O'Connor.

This position isn't completely indefensible (see Gibson, EAKIN v. RAUB), and I certainly wouldn't mind if Obama would push to the max his defense of legislative democracy over an unelected small group of justices.

Sanders also cited the oft - stated civil rights positions of the late Justice Thurgood Marshall, who like Douglas was called upon to vote on cases that concerned issues that were personally important to him.

While some have suggested that the Court has reined in its activist tendencies over the years» and there have indeed been heartening signs, such as the elevation of William Rehnquist, a dissenter in Roe v. Wade (1973), to the position of Chief Justice the same year Scalia joined the bench» Scalia's recent opinions remind us that these tendencies often prevail.

In that case, Justice Antonin Scalia, writing for himself and four other members of the Court, knocked religious liberty off its rightful pedestal as the «first freedom» and relegated it to the position of a dependent afterthought.

While the historic Christian position agrees with Tinder that the fullness of justice is not possible in this world — that any justice accomplished here is but a shadow of God's justice — it does not agree with him that «the very standards of justice are in mutual conflict.»

Whereas the old left, from the Progressive Era to the Depression, openly asserted the interests of the «working man» and organized labor, advocates of feminism, diversity, and gender identity, and neoliberal economics, too, justify their positions as a generic social justice or economic freedom.

«Just as Catholics for a Free Choice and other such groups suggest to the general public that not all Catholics agree with positions adopted by their bishops on birth control, abortion and in - vitro fertilization, so will the Religious Right serve to suggest that not all Catholics accept the positions of church leaders in social justice matters,» writes Richard J. Dowling, executive director of the Maryland Catholic Conference.

For example, Hartshorne's position would appear to imply the same subordination of justice to utility considerations in the divine will as is demanded of human wills.

The question over whether evangelicals with counter-cultural stances fit in broader movements similarly came up as some social justice — minded evangelicals endorsed the main thrust of the Black Lives Matter cause in recent years without getting behind the organization's LGBT position.

When there are injustices in a community and the members of a church are in positions of power, it is their Christian witness also to use their positions in the secular world to work for justice.

2) This is a blatant abuse of her position and if there's any justice, she'll be barred from the bench forever.