Sentences with phrase «of liberal democracy as»

But neither are we impressed by the simplistic portrayal of Bush's stance, especially when the US's regulation of embryonic SC research is mirrored in the policies of a host of European nations, including such models of Liberal democracy as Germany and Denmark.

Not exact matches

«Today's Summit will underline that we remain committed to defending our people and upholding our values as liberal democracies in the face of any threat, whether at home or abroad,» May said in a statement Wednesday night.

In our time, or so the argument runs, liberal democracy has attained such extraordinary power and widespread acceptance that it has come to be thought of as the only legitimate form of government.

The inability of the Gallicanist state to co-opt Catholicism's social energy exposed a tension inherent in liberal democracy: between the people empowered as a sovereign whole, on one hand, and those partial societies of individuals which diversify the nation, on the other.

The result was that in the West, especially in Europe, Communists were able to pose, at least temporarily, as champions of liberal democracy.

Orwin goes on to say that Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.»

Disagreeing with the critics ofliberal democracy, he declares, «I regard liberal democracy as a pearl of great price.»

As the Berlin Wall fell, Francis Fukuyama proclaimed the end of history — «the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.&raquAs the Berlin Wall fell, Francis Fukuyama proclaimed the end of history — «the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.&raquas the final form of human government.»

Our theology warns us not to accept Stout's liberal democracy at face value, and our sense of history suggests that things are not as bad as MacIntyre and Hauerwas make them out to be.

Much of the current theological critique of liberal society focuses not so much on democracy as a system of political representation as on liberalism as a form of society that operates, or seeks to operate, without a substantive conception of the good.

I regard liberal democracy as a pearl of great price.

Liberals are right when they insist that regarding the poor as the equals of all other citizens is essential to the incorporation of a viable welfare state within a robust democracy.

The reason liberal democracy may be appropriate for our civil society is that as a pluralistic society, we have little hope of reaching complete agreement concerning the human good and the proper way to pursue happiness.

As for hunger and suffering, America's health outcomes are worse than those of liberal, secular democracies.

With the removal of socialism as an alternative, the whole world is thrown open to the claim of market economy, liberal democracy and the powerful march of Western cultural values all over the globe.

Croce contrasted the «democracy of the eighteenth century as mechanical, intellectualist, and abstractly egalitarian, whereas the «liberalism» of the early nineteenth century was personal, idealistic, and historically organic: «The democrats in their political ideal postulated a religion of quantity, of mechanics, of calculating reason or of nature, like that of the eighteenth century; the liberals, a religion of quality, of activity, of spirituality, such as that which had risen in the beginning of the nineteenth century: so that even in this case, the conflict was one of religious faiths.

But if endowments are conceived solely as instruments, rather than equal partners with the state in pursuit of the public good, then the classic principle of private association in liberal democracies has been lost, for instrumentality implies that government alone is the public good's ultimate arbiter.

The form of argument in this presentation has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument, as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional democracy, is exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the East Asian region - local values do not provide a justification for harsh authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human agency it, therefore, makes little sense to take an entry test for constitutional democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without adequate liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance, especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in particular.

On the one hand, you have liberal democracy and rule of law as the engines of our civilisation, as best represented by London, Paris and Berlin.

In addition, the existence of marginalized communities in Western democratic societies, which stand as the pinnacle of the liberal democracy model, as well as some contested international policies of some democracies in recent history, have questioned the mythology of the liberal order in its current form as an aspiration of all peoples and the natural course of history.

The British parliamentary system, inspired by John Locke, Edmund Burke, John Stuart Mill and many others who believed in a system of checks and balances to guarantee our liberties, has in the past been much admired as a model of liberal democracy, one that has enabled the peaceful evolution that has been an almost unique part of our history.

The report is also published during a time of growing threats to liberal democracy, as a global «strong - man» culture sees individuals like Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, Rodrigo Duterte, Narendra Modi, and Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

As John McCormick writes «republicanism, unless reconstructed almost beyond the point of recognition, can only reinforce what is worst about contemporary liberal democracy: the free hand that socioeconomic and political elites enjoy at the expense of the general populace.»

Blair's project is to dismantle the Labour Party as a party based on the unions, to destroy the elements of democracy which exist within the party and to transform the British political party system, through electoral reform, to make possible a long - term governmental alliance with the Liberal Democrats and, if possible, the Heseltine - Clarke wing of the Tory Party.

George Soros, the liberal financier, contributed to key Senate candidates, and his son Jonathan Soros once again funded the Friends of Democracy PAC as a vehicle to pass the public financing of political campaigns.

While our response must be robust it must also remain true to our values — as a liberal democracy that believes in the rule of law.

Unless we learn from 2016 we will, I fear, come to see it as one of the better recent years for liberal democracy.

These include the need for a purposively broad, liberal and benevolent interpretation of the Constitution as a whole, so far as the language of the constitution would admit, having due regard to the underlying values and principles that need to be promoted to safeguarded our system of participatory democracy, the principle that the constitution is a document sui generis, and allied to this, the principle that the constitution must be interpreted in the light of its own words, and not words found in some other written constitution» (Writ No: JI / 15/2015 [unreported] pages 23 & 24).

As part of the 2017 Audit of UK Democracy, Sonali Campion, Sean Kippin and the DA team examine how the UK's deeply controversial current second chamber, the House of Lords, matches up to the criteria for liberal democracies with bi-cameral legislatures.

In Europe, this social liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for eliberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for eLiberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for eLiberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for example.

Ming has made this decision - as all his political decisions - in the interest of his Party and Liberal Democracy throughout Britain.

I believe this is known as liberal democracy, and is of a form alien to, and actively suppressed in, the continental EU.

Ferris, the best - selling author of such science classics as Coming of Age in the Milky Way and The Whole Shebang, has bravely ventured across the magisterial divide to argue that the scientific values of reason, empiricism and antiauthoritarianism are not the product of liberal democracy but the producers of it.

Shanker thought of himself as a liberal, indeed a Socialist; but for many liberals he seemed a racist conservative, as he maintained his fierce anti-Communist stance, supported American military power in defense of democracy, and insisted on the primacy of the trade - union movement in making a better society.

As such, there were calls for democracy as such, but little by way of overt references to secular, liberal democracAs such, there were calls for democracy as such, but little by way of overt references to secular, liberal democracas such, but little by way of overt references to secular, liberal democracy.

Insofar as a social movement is «an organized, sustained, self - conscious challenge to existing authorities» (Tilly, 1984), the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions included a multiplicity of informal and formal institutions and alliances: students, unions, professionals, religious groups, etc.And while the master frames calling for the ouster of Mubarak and Ben Ali were no doubt unifying discursive devices that were readily supported by most if not all of the protestors, secondary frames — calls for democracy, social justice, freedom, and dignity — presented significant points of divergence not only in and between Islamist and non-Islamist groups, but between the secular - liberal youth who are credited with initiating the mass protests in the first place.

Yet in a liberal democracy such as the United States, the proper ordering of those mechanisms is beset by paradox: if free citizens are to rule the state, does the state have a legitimate role in shaping their values and beliefs via its public schools, universities, and other institutions?

And the pro-voucher group American Federation for Children, which she headed as chairwoman and is based in Washington D.C., has spent more than $ 5 million in Wisconsin in favor of Republican elected officials since 2010, when the GOP gained control of state government, according to data from the liberal - leaning Wisconsin Democracy Campaign, which tracks campaign spending.

These countries are cited to us as reassuring models of such funding in liberal democracies much like ours.

Projects that can seem self - evidently good to a liberal — such as democracy, peace - making, concern for the environment, the liberation of women, or freedom of speech — can seem evil or even Satanic to a fundamentalist.

In this regard, curiously, was a point made in an article titled «The Whitney Biennial for Angry Women,» which criticized the biennial for including Dawoud Bey's portrait of Barack Obama as a sign of a presumably despised «liberal democracy» and «open code for the newest American myth: the multicultural, progressive future.»

as a sign of a presumably despised «liberal democracy» and «open code for the newest American myth: the multicultural, progressive future.»

This includes pursuing many obviously humanitarian objectives for their own sake as well as promoting our liberal enlightenment goals of free markets, maximum economic growth, democracy, the rule of law and individual freedom.

As enthusiasm for deliberative democracy in liberal societies is «driven by a perceived distance between the drives and motivations of citizens and the political decisions made in their name,» live - blogging in all its informational immediacy may be able to narrow the temporal distance between lawmaker and subject, as the latter is able to instantly respond to the actions of the formeAs enthusiasm for deliberative democracy in liberal societies is «driven by a perceived distance between the drives and motivations of citizens and the political decisions made in their name,» live - blogging in all its informational immediacy may be able to narrow the temporal distance between lawmaker and subject, as the latter is able to instantly respond to the actions of the formeas the latter is able to instantly respond to the actions of the former.

Support for live - blogging courtroom proceedings and discrediting class distinctions drawn in this regard also stems from a promotion of the model of discursive democracy outlined above in Part I. Drawing on the work of theorists including Lon Fuller, recall that the Supreme Court of Canada and legal scholars such as Jeremy Waldron held that the fair functioning of the liberal democratic order required civilian access to information and the attendant opportunity to deliberate upon that information critically.

Civic networks can articulate the differences between powers and resources, and highlight the importance of public accountability to liberal democracy as an example to the rest of the world without alienating what could be an important natural ally.

This is bad from a human rights perspective, as well as from the perspective of those who seek effective and appropriate counter-terrorism policies in liberal democracies.

Given the Liberal government's intention to make fundamental changes to our democracy without a referendum, his comments might be better regarded as indicia of a despot.

One of the main arguments driving this division was that as a liberal democracy our human rights are already adequately protected in Australia.