Sentences with phrase «of a new constitution in»

Not exact matches

They said the new version still discriminates against Muslims in violation of the U.S. Constitution.

OC Weekly's R. Scott Moxley characterizes the more extensive program shown in the new filings as an effort «to sidestep the U.S. Constitution's prohibition against warrantless invasions of private property.»

When I was in the Bank of Israel, and we introduced the transcript — notion with a new constitution — the — one of the guys said, «Well, how can I face my grandchildren, if they're gonna read this?»

The central issue in that case, of course, was whether Section 121 of the Constitution was breached by the New Brunswick...

With the emergence of individual and corporate income taxes following the 16th Amendment to the Constitution, business leaders like Andrew Carnegie — who, like others, specifically referenced the founders» ideas on broad property ownership in his writings — pushed for integrating the tax treatment of these practices into the new corporate income tax system.

In addition, members of the congress voted unanimously to revise the party's constitution to include «Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.»

If the federal and state governments come in and slap new regulations and oversight on these companies, it's their own fault for practicing elitist arrogance in an attempt to shape a specific narrative that damages the very fabric of a society where the first amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees the rights of free expression and free speech.

But isn't the difficulty here legislatively the constitution, which is Brett Stevenson's point in The New York Times, which is he's calling for the repeal of the Second Amendment.

In an attempt to calm the passions of «Black Tuesday,» as the riot came to be known, the government last July replaced the makeshift grave with a marble sarcophagus, even as it declared that it would uphold the new constitution» which guarantees the equality of all religions before the law.

This time the pen was wielded by Judge Stephen Reinhardt, a sharp» tongued liberal activist only too happy to discover new rights in the penumbras, emanations, and hitherto undiscovered corners of the Constitution.

But his insistence that» [t] he envisaging creativity, the continuum of extension, B's anticipatory feeling of C, the disjunctive plurality of attained actualities, the multiplicity of eternal objects, and the primordial nature of God are all alike involved in the creation of C's dative [i.e., purely receptive] phase» (326) would lead one to believe that some sort of objective medium must he present to facilitate the transmission to the new occasion of so many non-objective factors in its self - constitution (e g creativity, the anticipatory feelings of B and other past occasions, the multiplicity of eternal objects, the divine primordial nature, etc.).

Georgetown Law Professor Michael Seidman says in the New York Times that we should conclude, «the American system of government is broken» not because of political divisions, but because of the Constitution «with all its archaic, idiosyncratic and downright evil provisions.»

The New York Times: Irish Poised to Revisit Abortion Law Abortion is back on the agenda in Ireland after a European Court of Human Rights ruling last year found the state in violation of its own Constitution on the matter.

«This has always been a praying nation, despite its very secular Constitution,» said Peter J. Woolley, professor of comparative politics at Fairleigh Dickinson in Hackensack, New Jersey.

This déchristianisation included abolishing contemplative religious orders; confiscating monastic and other ecclesiastical properties; forcing the clergy to sign an oath of loyalty to the state in the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790); killing thousands of non-oath-taking priests in the Vendée uprising of 1793; pillaging churches and monasteries throughout France and Europe to finance the revolutionary armies fighting abroad; the abrogation of the Gregorian calendar and attempt to introduce a new one based on Revolutionary - era sensibilities; the renaming of streets and locales from saints» names to figures and ideals of the Revolution; the brief transformation of the venerable Notre Dame cathedral into a «Temple of Reason,» dedicated «to philosophy»; and, not least, the abduction and exile of no less than two popes, Pius VI (1798) and Pius VII (1809).

James Madison, the chief architect of the U.S. Constitution and its 1st Amendment reflected on the initial success of the new government in his letter to Robert Walsh on Mar 2, 1819:

In the New Testament one of these powers is conspicuously absent — viz., matter, the physical, sensual part of man's constitution.

When the American Revolution was completed, not only had the Established Church of England been rejected, but, more important, the very idea of Establishment had been discarded in principle by the new Constitution.

One of the great merits of Banning's meticulous work is to show the divisions that existed among Federalists even as they came together in the movement for a new Constitution.

Just last year at a Republican state convention in Arizona, new Christian rightists managed to pass a floor resolution declaring that the U.S. is «a Christian nation» and that the U.S. Constitution created «a republic based upon the absolute laws of the Bible, not a democracy.»

The remarkable coherence of the American revolutionary movement and its successful conclusion in the constitution of a new civil order are due in considerable part to the convergence of the Puritan covenant pattern and the Montesquieuan republican pattern.

Perhaps John Adams best captures the mood of the founding of the new government in his 1788 reflection «A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America»:

As a major interpreter of our country's founding, Wood reflects the influence of his teacher Bernard Bailyn, who in two important new volumes provides the best general access to the period in which the Founding Fathers — yes, they were all men — debated their Constitution of 1787 and sold themselves, each other and the public on its ratification.

After nearly a decade of debate, the former Hindu kingdom adopted a new constitution in September that declares the Himalayan nation to be a secular state.

But although negative prehensions eliminate their data from inclusion in the internal constitution of the new actual entity, they contribute their subjective forms to the total «emotional complex» of the final satisfaction (PR 41f.

Who can deny that the Court is right that what we have here is a new birth of freedom, and arguably one consistent with individualistic principles that we can arguably find among our Framers and in the Constitution itself?

It is this temporal constitution of the «promise» that must now guide us in the interpretation of the New Testament.

If there is any danger of Jesuit chauvinism, it is anticipated and discountenanced in the Constitutions, where the new order is referred to as «this least Society.»

New York Times: Secularism in Search of a Nation In 1976, India made an amendment to its Constitution that inserted the word «secular» to describe the great republiin Search of a Nation In 1976, India made an amendment to its Constitution that inserted the word «secular» to describe the great republiIn 1976, India made an amendment to its Constitution that inserted the word «secular» to describe the great republic.

In his article «Rescuing Gaudium et Spes: The New Humanism of John Paul II» (Nova et Vetera, 2010) George Weigel has tried to show some of the depth of theology in the Pastoral Constitution and its connection to the work of Blessed John Paul II, who was instrumental in its compositioIn his article «Rescuing Gaudium et Spes: The New Humanism of John Paul II» (Nova et Vetera, 2010) George Weigel has tried to show some of the depth of theology in the Pastoral Constitution and its connection to the work of Blessed John Paul II, who was instrumental in its compositioin the Pastoral Constitution and its connection to the work of Blessed John Paul II, who was instrumental in its compositioin its composition.

But the decisive stages of this evolution are just those in which, beyond a new and purely «social» organization, there emerges the constitution of organisms that, on a higher level from that of the unities they have integrated, can again count as true unitary beings.

The liberal moment emerged second, during the complex working out of interests in the new nation, and crystalized in the Constitution.

The final chapters of Ezekiel, which give the constitution for a new messianic state centering in a purified Temple and its cult, foreshadow the emergence of a new legalism.

«14 Can we not see in those words the sentiments of an old republican, aware of the compromises contained in the new Constitution but hoping almost against hope that the republican virtue of the people would offset them, at least for a time?

In the third phase, which came to full flower in the decades following the New Deal revolution, an altogether new conception of the Constitution emerged, which broadened the reform agenda to include, inter alia, eviscerating more or less completely the Tenth Amendment, eliminating religion from the public square, energetically pursuing racial and sexual equality, and, more recently, legitimizing moral autonomy as the default standard for individual behavioIn the third phase, which came to full flower in the decades following the New Deal revolution, an altogether new conception of the Constitution emerged, which broadened the reform agenda to include, inter alia, eviscerating more or less completely the Tenth Amendment, eliminating religion from the public square, energetically pursuing racial and sexual equality, and, more recently, legitimizing moral autonomy as the default standard for individual behavioin the decades following the New Deal revolution, an altogether new conception of the Constitution emerged, which broadened the reform agenda to include, inter alia, eviscerating more or less completely the Tenth Amendment, eliminating religion from the public square, energetically pursuing racial and sexual equality, and, more recently, legitimizing moral autonomy as the default standard for individual behaviNew Deal revolution, an altogether new conception of the Constitution emerged, which broadened the reform agenda to include, inter alia, eviscerating more or less completely the Tenth Amendment, eliminating religion from the public square, energetically pursuing racial and sexual equality, and, more recently, legitimizing moral autonomy as the default standard for individual behavinew conception of the Constitution emerged, which broadened the reform agenda to include, inter alia, eviscerating more or less completely the Tenth Amendment, eliminating religion from the public square, energetically pursuing racial and sexual equality, and, more recently, legitimizing moral autonomy as the default standard for individual behavior.

So of course I was all up in arms when I found out that a bunch of publishers and politicians tried to «civilize» these documents by taking out the parts they didn't like — the n - word from a new edition of Huck Finn and those embarrassing sections about slaves counting as three - fifths of a person in Congress» reading of the Constitution.

Shipton suggests this principle of freedom of thought, often believed to be state policy first in Virginia, whence it entered the U.S. Constitution as a «natural right,» may have been borrowed from Puritan New England.

A particularly clear illustration of this is provided by the founders of Union Theological Seminary, New York, in their preamble to the school's constitution.

Whether one deems this cluster of questions the third part of an expanded just war tradition or an extension of «right intention,» one of the classic deontological ad bellum criteria, this is obviously an area in which considerable criticism of the Iraq War has been focused» whether the issue at hand involves the scandals at Abu Ghraib prison, interrogation methods, de-Baathification policies, counterinsurgency strategies and tactics, or the provisions of the new Iraqi constitution with respect to religious freedom and the role of Islamic law in post-Saddam Iraq.

Thus, when the Court in Casey asks that its case law be given the obedience due to the Constitution, and when it insists that, above all, it must remain loyal to its own recently established precedents, it makes a reasonable request within the context of the new constitutional regime.

United in it, under its new constitution adopted at Jerusalem and under the farseeing chairmanship of Dr. John R. Mott, are not only all the Protestant missionary forces of the West, but also the National Christian Councils which in recent years have come into being in China, Japan, India and many other parts of what is commonly called the missionary field.

Among the articles of the new Constitution and the very first amendment in the Bill of Rights were the following statements on religion:

In answer to the objection against the lack of religious test for an officeholder under the new Constitution, Isaac Backus, outstanding Baptist minister, gave a stirring speech.

In 1788, Massachusetts called a convention to debate the acceptance of the new Constitution.

Mindful that even as new principles are proclaimed, old habits die hard and citizens and politicians could tend to entangle government and religion (e.g., «the appointment of chaplains to the two houses of Congress» and «for the army and navy» and «[r] eligious proclamations by the Executive recommending thanksgivings and fasts»), he considered the question whether these actions were «consistent with the Constitution, and with the pure principle of religious freedom» and responded: «In strictness the answer on both points must be in the negativIn strictness the answer on both points must be in the negativin the negative.

Voters will be asked whether they want to repeal the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution, which gives equal right to life to the mother and the unborn, and replace it with new wording to allow parliament to legislate on abortion in the future.

Then, in the 1970s, came the revisionist view that Hecker, and bishops like John Ireland of St. Paul - Minneapolis, John Keane of Catholic University, and Cardinal Gibbons, were in fact exploring a new ecclesiology, a new way of thinking about the Church, that Vatican II would vindicate in its Dogmatic Constitution on the Church and Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World.

If by the «primitive church» we mean the church of the first century and the first quarter, say, of the second — and such a period represents the approximate range of this chapter — we have at most only the New Testament documents and some of the Apostolic Fathers; and none of these documents is concerned to set forth in any full or systematic way the constitution of the church or the methods of its work.

In so doing it forgets a wise remark made by Justice Frankfurter in 1938 (Graves v. New York): «The touchstone of constitutionality is the Constitution itself and not what we have said about it.&raquIn so doing it forgets a wise remark made by Justice Frankfurter in 1938 (Graves v. New York): «The touchstone of constitutionality is the Constitution itself and not what we have said about it.&raquin 1938 (Graves v. New York): «The touchstone of constitutionality is the Constitution itself and not what we have said about it.»

To cite but one example, Kathleen M. Sullivan, then a professor of law at Harvard University, wrote in a July 29, 1990 op - ed column in the New York Times: «The Constitution's broad terms» terms like «liberty,» «equality,» and «freedom of speech»» are hardly self - defining.