Campaign operatives said Mr. Rangel, an African - American who presided over the base
of black political power in America, was always reluctant to discuss his Puerto Rican heritage.
U.S. Rep Charles Rangel held a narrow lead Tuesday night in his bid for a 23rd term in a closely watched Democratic primary race that tested New York City's base
of black political power against a rising Latino electorate.
But in the race for Mr. Rangel's Harlem seat, for years a center
of black political power in New York, he stands out...
Though Wright has not conceded the race, his allies began to signal they will accept unofficial primary results, which show their chief rival, Espaillat, had won and in all likelihood will go on to represent the district that includes Harlem, a historic base
of black political power in America.
Not exact matches
The
Black Lives Matter movement has shown us the
power of protest to elevate dormant issues to the
political agenda.
This profound alienation
of the ghetto poor from mainstream American life has continued to grow worse in the years since the triumphs
of the civil rights movement, even as the success
of that movement has provided the basis for an impressive expansion
of economic and
political power for the
black middle class.
Or again, he saw the
black citizens» human rights fight making a wise use
of social and
political power to gain equal dignity and redress old grievances.
Long a center
of African - American
political power, the district is now majority Latino, but the
black Mr. Rangel held off two furious challenges from a Latino lawmaker and could sway the race in 2016 if he endorses Mr. Wright.
In the
political mathematics
of a speakers stakes, he has several major advantages: the chairmanship
of a major county, seniority, support from the
Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic and Asian legislative caucus (Heastie is black) and a power base in New York City, whose interests the Assembly has long championed under Si
Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic and Asian legislative caucus (Heastie is
black) and a power base in New York City, whose interests the Assembly has long championed under Si
black) and a
power base in New York City, whose interests the Assembly has long championed under Silver.
Becoming king also bestows upon the king the
powers of the
Black Panther, though his threats aren't physical so much as
political, having to deal with not only external forces who want to use Wakanda's stash
of the worlds hardest and most powerful metal, vibranium, to their advantage, but also within Wakanda, among those who feel that they have a responsibility to share their advancement with the world to help those who desperately need its harnessed
powers to heal, or, more extreme, to use their secretive wealth in resources and weapons technology to right centuries
of wrongs for people
of African descent around the world through a revolution.
It acknowledges and celebrates everything from traditional African society to African - American
political debates, from the
power and beauty
of black women to the preservation
of identity, all within the lush confines
of the fictional African nation
of Wakanda.
The highlight
of Coates's writing in
Black Panther isn't the way he skillfully laces the comic with broader
political themes about
power (though he's very good at that); instead, it's his ability to give the book's intimate character relationships a sense
of humanity and dignity.
The organizers say the current voter registration effort crystallizes what the
Black Panther film represents: the strength of black communities and the political and cultural power of
Black Panther film represents: the strength
of black communities and the political and cultural power of
black communities and the
political and cultural
power of art.
It would be easy to declare
political comedy dead in the era
of America's parody - proof commander - in - chief, but master satirist Armando Iannucci proves there are still laughs to be extracted from the corridors
of power in this jet -
black Kremlin - com.
Ironically, this misguided and shortsighted opposition has ensured that the fight for the future
of quality educational access (and the production
of future
black leaders like Obama) will be between African Americans
of one generation who found prosperity working in public education and who possess the lion's share
of the
political power, and the minority students whose futures are sacrificed on the altar
of the nation's ossified urban education systems.
The subtext was the reputation, careers, and
political power of city
black elected officials.
As the head
of the local N.A.A.C.P. chapter in this almost entirely
black city, he has dedicated much
of his life to helping African - Americans gain and keep
political power.
Beyond the socio - economic benefits,
Black teachers held the promise
of political power, and they would partner with clergymen, businessmen and parents in the community to raise up a generation
of African - American youth who knew their history and affirmed a collective narrative about our Blackness: We are intellectual.
I believe that an increase in
Black and Brown
political power should usher in unprecedented levels
of Black and Brown academic achievement.
The current activism and
political landscape across the country has brought increased attention to the
power of black women voters and the 2017 Atlanta and East Point mayoral elections
of Keisha Lance Bottoms and Deana Holiday Ingraham were historic for
black women.
This dissertation explains how, during the onslaught
of racial violence and disenfranchisement in the late nineteenth - century South,
black men and women used public
black colleges to retain limited access to
political power and to train future leaders.
Although I strongly believe in the need for more representation and more
political action, unfortunately, too often, having
black people in positions
of power — especially politicians — does not necessarily further the educational causes
of black children in America.
Those kids that don't attend private schools tend overwhelmingly to be from families with less
political power and resources than Emanuel's: 87 %
of them are from low - income families, and 86 % are
black or hispanic.
To the indignation
of the press and certain elements among our fellow citizens,
Black leaders have been calling for a buildup
of political power, based in localities where
Black voters constitute a majority or at least a sizable bloc.
The exhibition presents approximately 140 works by thirty - two artists active during this historical period, exploring the rising strength
of the
black community in Los Angeles as well as the increasing
political, social, and economic
power of African Americans across the nation.
Without shying away from the complicated socio -
political histories relevant to the world, Wiley's figurative paintings and sculptures «quote historical sources and position young
black men within the field
of power.»
As artists respond to the possibility
of global environmental chaos, Mark Rappolt examines Tomás Saraceno's Aerocene project, one
of the artist's most ambitious imaginings yet The Truth about «Cultural Appropriation» With controversies over cultural appropriation regularly in the headlines, Kenan Malikargues that trying to control what culture artists can and can not use is bad news for
political interaction and artistic imagination
Power in
Black and White In an America where the dividing line
of race is now a cultural and artistic flashpoint, Jonathan T.D. Neil searches for a path beyond both pluralism and white privilege Carol Rhodes «Rhodes's landscapes are unlocatable because they are fantastical... They are «nowhere places».»
It's in this same year that Tate Modern's exhibition «Soul
of a Nation: Art in the Age
of Black Power (1963 — 1983)» begins its story
of the radical, brilliant and hugely varied art made by African American artists in the
political and cultural landscape
of Civil Rights,
Black Panthers, Blaxploitation, and other manifestations
of the fight for equality in education, jobs and representation.
presents approximately 140 works by 32 artists, exploring the rising strength
of the
black community in Los Angeles as well as the increasing
political, social, and economic
power of African Americans across the nation.
Fifty years ago the
Black Panther Party was created, fighting for «
power to the people» with a mix
of political activism, militancy, progressive community programs and pop culture awareness.
Exploring the complicated socio -
political histories, he places young
black men within the field
of power.
Featuring: Amna Asghar, Dana Davenport, Umber Majeed, Tammy Nguyen, Ke Peng, Sahana Ramakrishnan, Sheida Soleimani Amna Asghar speaks on the construction and translation
of disparate references, cultures, geographies, and generations from Pakistan and America; Dana Davenport addresses the complexity
of interminority racism within her own community and institutions from her experiences as a
Black Korean American; Umber Majeed's practice attempts to unpack the temporalities within South Asia as site, familial archival material, popular culture, and modern national state narratives; Tammy Nguyen interrogates natural sciences and non-human forms to explore racial intimacies and US military involvement in the Pacific Rim; Ke Peng documents the feeling
of alienation and disorientation from urbanization and immigration by taking a journey into an imagined childhood in China, Hunan, where she was born and Shenzhen, a modern city where her family relocates to; Sahana Ramakrishan explores myths and religion from Buddhist and Hindu tales to speak upon the magic
of childhood and the
power dynamics
of sexuality, race, and violence; Sheida Soleimani is an Iranian - American artist and a daughter
of political refugees, making work to highlight her critical perspective on the historical and contemporary socio -
political occurrences in Iran.
Betye Saar's The Liberation
of Aunt Jemima: Cocktail combines the iconography
of the
Black Power Movement,
political violence, and aspirational middle - class American culture.
The busts» muteness alludes to
black women's historical and contemporary marginalization and elision from
political, economic, and social spheres
of power.
«A gallery called «Figuring
Black Power» delved more deeply into artists» varied strategies for activating the
political and aesthetic possibilities
of representation,» she writes.
Tracing the trajectory
of Zimbabwe's social and
political changes, the exhibition references different ideological influences that informed the Liberation Movement, from the seeds
of Pan-Africanism, the American Civil Rights and
Black Power Movements, Nationalism, and Communism.
In the 1970s, Nengudi worked in Los Angeles as part
of an emerging community
of African American artists that engaged with multiple radical
political movements underway in the United States and around the globe, including the
Black Power movement and the feminist movement.
Alongside her day - job duties, Parks collaborated with the League
of Revolutionary
Black Voters, the black power movement, organized for freedom of political prisoners, co-founded the Rosa L. Parks Scholarship Foundation and served on the Board of Advocates of Planned Parent
Black Voters, the
black power movement, organized for freedom of political prisoners, co-founded the Rosa L. Parks Scholarship Foundation and served on the Board of Advocates of Planned Parent
black power movement, organized for freedom
of political prisoners, co-founded the Rosa L. Parks Scholarship Foundation and served on the Board
of Advocates
of Planned Parenthood.