Sentences with phrase «of civil»

Pakistan is also teetering on the brink of civil war, with the military struggling to contain insurgents on the border with Afghanistan.

(For the notion of «good mistakes» in science, I am indebted to David Bella, department of civil engineering, Oregon State.

The Century was the first national publication to denounce the violation of the civil rights of Japanese - Americans by their arrest and relocation at the outset of World War II.

Although further U.S. aid to El Salvador seems a foregone conclusion, some congress people hope to make it conditional on assurances of open access to provide help to civilian victims of the civil war — a right recognized by international law.

Of course, we will not gain the rights and benefits (or suffer the losses — I have been part of «religious» weddings conducted by churches for elderly couples who did not want to lose retirement benefits if they had a marriage recognized by the state) of a civil marriage.

The defense of negative freedom, of civil rights and liberties, while ignoring massive injustice, poverty, and despair will be self - defeating.

But leading canonists and theologians assert the right of civil courts to pronounce the death penalty for very grave offenses such as murder and treason.

Conflict, explicit or implicit, over the deeper meaning of the civil religion has been endemic from the beginning.

Now one can read the great tenets of the civil religion in either of the two perspectives — as Winthrop would have read them, or as Locke would have read them.

Christians like you in American history has always been on the wrong side of civil rights and morality.

This freedom must also be proclaimed when it turns against the Church, and this not only in a spirit of civil tolerance inflicted on the Church from outside, but through the Church's own understanding of herself.

It is that abstract faith, those abstract propositions to which we are dedicated, that is the heart and soul of the civil religion; but we can, of course, never forget the historical circumstances in which those words originated — a revolutionary war of independence and a war to decide whether this nation would be slave or free.

He thought the active pursuit of civil rights to be premature and dangerous.

Such a revitalization of biblical religion in America would find, I believe, an ally rather than an enemy in the highest aspect of the civil tradition.

«Brains, property, and character for the Negro will settle the question of civil rights,» he said.

That such comportment is not inconsistent with protest for redress of grievances is a great lesson and a great legacy of the civil rights movement.

And yet the fundamental tenets of the civil religion have continued to work among us.

Ross Douthat and Yuval Levin argue that Obama levels the «little platoons» of civil society in favor of expanding the power of the state.

Therefore I think it might be useful to distinguish between two different types of civil religion, both operative in America and distinguishable perhaps more in the minds of the analyst than in the consciousness of the people.

The issue of protecting the basic rights of persons from hostile or indifferent state governments was constitutionally resolved almost one hundred and fifty years ago in the Fourteenth Amendment, purchased with the blood of hundreds of thousands of American lives in the awful crucible of the Civil War.

The signatories declared themselves to be in solidarity in their unequivocal support of the dignity and right to life of every human person, marriage between a man and a woman as divinely ordained and the foundation of civil society, and religious liberty as an essential component of human freedom.

The problem then becomes how to reconcile a philosophical anthropology of individualism with the mutuality and interrelatedness of society, and the concept of civil society is that synthesis by which these theses have been bridged.

But returning to Seligman's main methodological premise, the question arises as to whether he has too quickly excluded religion from any significant role in the support of civil society as an ideal or, even more important, as reality.

The role of a civil authority is to govern society and we're instructed to respect our civil authority as a clear biblical mandate.

I have spoken so far as though the tenets of the civil religion are self - evident, as though they need no interpretation, as though the only problem is their implementation.

But I am also a parent and a member of a civil society, naturally uneasy about Peoples Temple and other groups that no one quite comprehends.

Concern for «further progress» for black Americans should not focus in the first instance on passage of another civil rights bill.

It would simplify matters if Christians had consistently followed what I am calling the biblical interpretation of our civil religion, and deists and rationalists had followed the utilitarian interpretation.

Hawthorne, for example, in 1859, on the very verge of the Civil War, saw «that pit of blackness that lies beneath us, everywhere.

The academic taunters of civil - minded believers are of little help.

Typical of this approach are the activities of Nader's organization, Common Cause, legal aid for the poor, Chavez» organization of farm workers, the enforcing of civil rights, legislation for minority groups, and revival and application of the doctrine of just war to international conflict.

Name calling and denial of civil rights, oppression, and manipulation of people seems to be the hallmark of a certain strain of religion.

The Declaration further invoked the Christian tradition of civil disobedience, affirming the right and at times the obligation to oppose injustice by refusing to comply with civil authority if it attempts to undermine these basic human rights: «We will fully and ungrudgingly render to Caesar what is Caesar's.

• the capacity to reach objective and universal truth as well as valid metaphysical knowledge; • the unity of body and soul in man; • the dignity of the human person; • relations between nature and freedom; • the importance of natural law and of the «sources of morality,»... • and the necessary conformity of civil law to moral law.

The job of civil authority is to protect that religious liberty — to protect the right of every American to worship as they see fit, and to live out the teachings of their faith and never be compelled to violate the teachings of their faith.

Thus the concept of civil society is one born out of a peculiar blend of reason and revelation.

However, the General Register Office for Scotland issues guidance to district registrars on the form of civil marriage ceremonies, including a form of words, which registrars follow (except that, at their discretion, they can agree a different wording with the couple).»

It reminds us that the reception of Bonhoeffer in his native land has by no means been positive, not least because of his act of civil disobedience in participating in the abortive conspiracy to kill Adolf Hitler in 1944.

Yet even as conservatives in the last two decades have made notable strides in access to influential cultural institutions in entertainment and the media, the influence of civil society and nonpolitical leaders on public opinion is still underappreciated.

Varieties of Civil Religion, a collection of essays published in that year by Phillip Hammond and myself, turned out to be my swan song with respect to civil religion.

The birth of the idea of civil society in dissenting Protestantism with its notions of covenanting and «federal liberty,» while historically irretrievable, ought to caution us against dismissing the significance of religion to civil society.

Prior to the start of the civil war, about 18,000 people lived in Qaryatain, about 2,000 of them Syriac Catholics and Orthodox Christians, reportsThe Telegraph.

«Far from competing with analogous documents of civil authority, the charter intends to make a specific contribution to the promotion and safeguarding of the dignity and rights of the person and of peoples.»

This is still not a Christian Nation, it's a NATION of CIVIL LAWS, that allow religious freedom.

Writing from Budapest, Seligman discusses whether the Western European — more precisely, Anglo - American — concept of civil society has relevance to the Eastern situation.

On some Israeli causes they will find their best allies in dispensational premillennial fundamentalism, while on issues of civil liberties and other causes they will coalesce with moderate - to - liberal Protestants.

The voters in CA will not matter if this is determined to be a matter of civil rights, in which case the «tyranny of the majority» will be overturned.

Seligman traces the further transformation of the concept of civil society in Smith and Kant, the latter of whom tries to rescue it from Hume, and in Hegel and Marx, who resolve this inherently unstable concept in statist and utopian directions.

For instance, inasmuch as the founders» notion of free self - government rests on an essentially Lockean conception of freedom as power outside and prior to truth (however much God or truth imposes an extrinsic obligation to obey, and however reasonable it is to do so in view of future rewards and punishments), then American liberty will eventually erode the moral and cultural foundations of civil society inherited from Protestant Christianity.

These questions take us directly to the ethical foundations of civil discourse.