While the Court's decision will have obvious implications for the future
of desegregation programs, it may also complicate the implementation of NCLB.
Several studies have examined the average effect of either the introduction or the removal
of desegregation programs using variation in timing across districts.
A handful of experimental studies
of desegregation programs compare participants with nonparticipants.
In addition, these studies capture only the most direct impacts
of the desegregation program and are limited to a few interventions that may not be typical.
Though we are advocates
of the desegregation program we, along with other suburban schools, will be forced to make a tough decision: keep St. Louis city children at our expense or send them back to a system that is clearly fragile and ailing.
Not exact matches
I'm only just starting this one, but I can already see that it's more social - history - driven than Free for All, including some fascinating insights on how such seemingly far - flung issues as race,
desegregation and gender have played into the development
of the current school lunch
program.
Prior to that, in 1976, Buffalo teachers went on strike during the first phase
of a court - ordered
desegregation program.
In the most recent episode
of This American Life, Nikole Hannah - Jones tells the story
of a school district that accidentally launched a
desegregation program.
This was a basic finding from my interviews with adult graduates
of Boston's voluntary city - suburban school
desegregation program, METCO (recounted in The Other Boston Busing Story, Yale University Press, 2001).
During the ensuing decades major
desegregation and compensatory education
programs were undertaken with the intention
of rectifying these racial disparities.
An income
desegregation program that involves all students may avoid the concentration
of children with fewer family resources in particular schools.
Contrary to allegations by the U.S. Department
of Justice, the scholarship
program improves racial integration in public schools in 34 districts under
desegregation orders
In reviewing the available research on the effects
of segregation on educational opportunities for black students, Rivkin concludes the effects
of desegregation are most likely uneven and vary by
program and context.
Finis Welch and Audrey Light published a study in 1987 that used 16 years
of data on enrollments and
desegregation program status to study in detail the changes in white enrollment surrounding the implementation
of 116 major
desegregation plans between 1967 and 1985.
Under the terms
of a court settlement reached with the aid
of a nationally known
desegregation researcher, the San Francisco Unified School District will open a currently unused facility to house the entire student body
of a magnet middle school affected by the district's asbestos - cleanup
program.
active support by private foundations and community groups
of efforts to continue local
desegregation plans and
programs, through research, advocacy and litigation;
To judge by the quality
of the educational evaluation work I know best — on school
desegregation, Comer's School Development
Program, and bilingual education — the average quasi-experiment in these fields inspires little confidence in its conclusions about effectiveness.
The absence
of an evaluation component from most
desegregation programs has complicated efforts to measure
program effects.
The Department
of Justice is suing Louisiana over its voucher
program, claiming it slows the
desegregation process.
The voluntary exchange
program is one part
of a
desegregation order handed down by U.S. District Judge H. Barefoot Sanders in February 1982.
Mary Washington, head
of Local 420, responded that Hubbard had run away from the St. Louis schools when as a student he used the voluntary
desegregation program to transfer to the Mehlville school district.
The use
of crosstown busing to accomplish
desegregation was unprecedented — and the case went right to the Supreme Court, which ruled in favor
of the highly controversial forced integration
program in 1971.
The Emergency School Aid Act, a $ 149 million federal
desegregation program that provided funding to Montclair, was wiped out along with 25 other federal
programs when Congress passed a package
of education block grants in the summer
of 1981.
Though the
program falls under the law's choice provisions, the federal government still considers magnets an important aspect
of desegregation policy, defining a magnet school as one that «offers a special curriculum capable
of attracting substantial numbers
of students
of different racial backgrounds.»
Under the new
program, however, magnet schools not only had to aid
desegregation, but also had to focus on improving the quality
of education in order to qualify for funds.
A federal judge in Arkansas last week ordered the Little Rock School District to reduce the number
of teachers it plans to reassign in the upcoming school year as part
of a comprehensive school -
desegregation program.
In 1981 they were folded into the Chapter 2 block - grant
program, but explicit federal support for magnet schools as desegregation tools resumed in 1985 with the authorization of the Magnet Schools Assistance Program (MSAP), included in the Education for Economic Securi
program, but explicit federal support for magnet schools as
desegregation tools resumed in 1985 with the authorization
of the Magnet Schools Assistance
Program (MSAP), included in the Education for Economic Securi
Program (MSAP), included in the Education for Economic Security Act.
Thus, although proponents
of magnet schools have not disavowed the
desegregation goal that is the
program's roots, they currently place almost equal emphasis on magnets as instruments
of school choice.
But it seems clear that passage
of the measure, which appears on the state's Nov. 5 ballot as Proposition 209, would raise questions about a host
of programs that public K - 12 schools and colleges offer — from voluntary
desegregation efforts to certain tutoring and outreach
programs.
Superintendent William M. Kendrick's March 23 proposal to the city school board came some 10 years after Seattle became one
of the nation's first major cities to undertake a comprehensive
desegregation program voluntarily.
The
program, the court ruled, is «outside the scope
of [the 1975
desegregation ruling] because it provides aid to students rather than to private schools.»
These chosen district schools largely comprise the country's 2,722 «magnet» schools (according to 2011 data), most
of which offer themed
programs and were originally designed to encourage
desegregation by attracting a multi-racial clientele.
The
program has recently come under fire from the U.S. Department
of Justice, which has filed a lawsuit alleging the
program is impeding federal school -
desegregation efforts initiated in the 1970s.
District schools also could be chosen when families participate in open enrollment or inter-district choice
programs, which allow students in one school district to attend schools in another, often as part
of a voluntary
desegregation strategy.
With its findings on the impact
of peer groups, the report had an immediate impact on school
desegregation, helping to spur the controversial busing
programs that peaked in the 1970s and lingered into the 1990s.
Our analysis
of the Louisiana Scholarship
Program reveals that the vouchers used by the subset
of recipients for whom information is available have supported public - school
desegregation efforts.
The teenagers wrote opinion pieces on whether all students should be encouraged to attend college, the value
of alternative teacher preparation
programs such as Teach For America, the importance
of desegregation, or the best approach to school discipline.
In a stinging rebuke, the Fifth Circuit Court
of Appeals rejected the U.S. Department
of Justice's «disingenuous» attempt to use a decades - old
desegregation lawsuit to curb or control Louisiana's voucher
program for low - income students assigned to failing district schools.
Long - term studies
of black adults who as children were subject to court - ordered
desegregation programs, have found significant gains from attending integrated schools, including higher earnings and better health.
But the U.S. Department
of Justice contends that last year's voucher
program damaged civil rights progress by erasing school integration gains in 13
of the 34 school systems that are under long - standing
desegregation orders.
The grants aim to help districts establish or expand magnet
programs that are part
of their approved
desegregation plans.
Educators were unclear last week how passage
of the broadly worded California Civil Rights Initiative will affect affirmative action, voluntary
desegregation efforts, and academic
programs targeting minorities and women in the state.
Columbia University professor Amy Stuart Wells, for example, concluded that the decisions
of St. Louis parents participating in a voluntary
desegregation program were based «on a perception that county is better than city and white is better than black, not on factual information about the schools.»
The study, which one
of the researchers provided to Education Week, also indicates that some grants under the federal magnet - schools
program are going to districts that have no realistic chance
of furthering the
program's primary goal
of promoting racial
desegregation.
A model one - way
desegregation program begun 15 years ago in Hartford, Conn., is being phased out by order
of the local school board, which argued that the district can no longer afford to send city students to suburban schools.
In late 2014, the state launched a first -
of - its - kind
desegregation plan — the Socioeconomic Integration Pilot
program — using federal School Improvement Grant, or SIG, funds.
The rise
of private schools in the South and the diversion
of public funds to those private schools through vouchers was a direct response
of white communities to
desegregation requirements.42 In Louisiana, the state established the Louisiana Financial Assistance Commission, which offered vouchers
of $ 360 for students attending private school but only provided $ 257 per student to those attending public schools.43 Over the commission's lifespan, the state devoted more than $ 15 million in vouchers through its tuition grant
program, with the initial $ 2.5 million coming from Louisiana's Public Welfare Fund.
The U.S. Department
of Justice tried to use a 40 year old
desegregation case to undermine a
program that's designed to empower low - income families with children trapped in failing schools a pathway to a higher quality education.»
Every private school participating in the voucher
program must comply with the color - blind policies
of the federal
desegregation court orders.
In detailing the
program's existence, the U.S. District Court for the Southern District
of Mississippi found that segregation academies in the state were consistently established in public school districts that had either recently been forced to desegregate by the courts or had recently submitted
desegregation plans.48 Appendix B
of the court's ruling reveals the percentage
of tuition that was covered by the vouchers offered to students at a number
of the state's segregation academies.