Sentences with phrase «of early abortion»

Today, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled to protect Arizona women's access to medication abortion, an extremely safe method of early abortion, by reversing a district court's denial of a preliminary injunction.

Not exact matches

DES MOINES, Iowa (AP)-- Republican legislators sent Iowa's governor a bill early Wednesday that would ban most abortions once a fetal heartbeat is detected, usually around six weeks of pregnancy,...

Republican legislators sent Iowa's governor a bill early Wednesday that would ban most abortions once a fetal heartbeat is detected, usually around six weeks of pregnancy, propelling the state overnight to the front of a push among conservative statehouses jockeying to enact the nation's most restrictive regulations on the procedure.

Safe abortions will never go away as they are still needed to save life (even in the early 1900s doctors had to abort babies so at least the mother could live when tuberculosis was the leading cause of death and it was terminal for a pregnant mother).

But since you and I both know God is the ultimate authority and thus sets the standard, and God clearly is against abortion, and the atheists are erroneously calling very early human life nothing but «a bunch of cells,» isn't it up to us to fight for those lives?

He agreed with me about the «basic immorality of the administration's rule» — that to whomever it applied (i.e., all the not - exempted), it would put the legal authority of the federal government behind the mandatory provision of early - stage pharmaceutical abortions.

(If that sounds familiar, it's because the same argument was made twenty - five years ago in the early stages of the battle over legalized abortion.)

A 2005 study by Gregory S. Paul published in the Journal of Religion and Society stated that, «In general, higher rates of belief in and worship of a creator correlate with higher rates of homicide, juvenile and early adult mortality, STD infection rates, teen pregnancy, and abortion in the prosperous democracies,» and «In all secular developing democracies, a centuries long - term trend has seen homicide rates drop to historical lows» with the exceptions being the United States (with a high religiosity level) and «theistic» Portugal.

According to reporting from Vox, North America in the early 1990s saw 45 abortions for every 1,000 women of reproductive age.

Abortion was sold to the American public in the early 1970s with a long series of claims about its future social benefits.

I'm surprised she concludes this way, because the early chapters of her book poke fun at her family and church's frequent involvement in protests against abortion and homosexuality.

Unless there is a push - back from religion you will see abortion expanded into voluntary euthanasia, and then the government will move to «quality of life» measures to «suggest» ending life early.

Dissenters said it would distract attention from the main and massive reality of abortions in the early weeks and months of pregnancy, and a ban on partial - birth abortions would save very few, if any, lives.

But regarding early abortions, the objective should be persuasion — creating some future majority — rather than legislative coercion in the absence of a current majority.

[73] An earlier study by the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research determined U.S. Protestants to have an abortion index of 0.69, Catholics 1.01, Jews 1.08, and non-Judeo-Christian religions 0.78.

Apart from the fact that it may cause a very early abortion (which of course would not get picked up in the official teenage pregnancy figures), it differs from common methods of family planning in several ways.

The abortion of a quickened fetus inflicts more pain and destroys more value than an earlier abortion.

Even Anna Glazier, a health expert and a strong proponent of greater access to the morning - after pill, stated in early 2006 in an editorial in the British Medical Journal that greater access to emergency birth control has failed to cut pregnancy and abortion rates.

But has there ever been a more wicked policy, with more disastrous social consequences, than the «one - child policy» China began to implement in the early 1980s — a state - decreed population - control measure that resulted in, among other horrors, untold tens of millions of coerced abortions?

The response of the last government was essentially more of the same: earlier and more detailed sex education, family planning clinics in schools, promotion of emergency birth control (otherwise known as the «morning after pill») easier access to abortion, all without the need for parental consent even in the case of underage girls.

Earlier this month, the Texas legislature approved a loudly - debated package of restrictions on abortions in the Lone Star State; among other things, requiring abortion clinics to bring their facilities in line with surgical standards and banning abortions after 20 weeks.

So despite the fact that I believe human life is inherently valuable even in its earliest form, I only feel a little guilty voting for pro-choice candidates because I'm often convinced they will do more to address the root causes of abortion — poverty, health care, education, etc..

Spain's new abortion law, as LifeSiteNews reported in an earlier dispatch, «abolishes penalties for all abortions during the first fourteen weeks of pregnancy» and «allows minors to obtain abortions without parental permission, although they must first inform their parents of their intention to do so.»

Given the latest medical data concerning the distinct characteristics of the fetus and its ability to survive outside the womb at a startlingly early age, it is little wonder that in the past few years several of the denominations that once took a more open position on abortion have retreated somewhat: the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) is now studying the issue; in a 1980 statement on social principles, the UMC moved to a more qualified position; the Episcopal Church and the recently formed Evangelical Lutheran Church in America seem to be in the process of toning down their earlier positions (or those of a predecessor body) The Lutherans defeated a resolution in their 1989 Assembly which would have been consistent with the liberal position of the LCA predecessor body, and a 1988 Lutheran - Episcopal dialogue report refers to the fetus as «embryonic humanity» with claims on society.

In most places abortion is legal in the early stages of pregnancy, but late term abortion is illegal.

Lader argued that since early abortions are statistically safer for the woman than childbirth, and since the morality of such abortions is a matter of religious and philosophical dispute, the state ought not to prevent women from having legal access to abortion services:

By way of dramatic contrast, it is beyond dispute that an abortion kills an innocent human being at an early stage ofher development, and it is beyond dispute that Sen. Obama favours an unlimited license to perpetrate such killings.

For that reason, many people would confine abortion to the early stages of pregnancy but have no objection to it then.

Early and aggressive marketing of a sexually active lifestyle, free birth control and a four times per year purchasing pattern are the Planned Parenthood funnel, out of which comes a large and growing number of big - ticket sales - infection treatment and abortions - for which Planned Parenthood works very hard.

In the end, however, Feezell's moderate view (which leans toward the «conservative view») is not too much different in practical effect from my or Hartshorne's moderate view (which leans toward the «liberal view») in that I am only delivering a carte blanche for abortion in the early stages of pregnancy and pointing out that the fetus in the later stages of pregnancy has a moral status analogous to that of an animal, a status which I think deserves considerable attention on our part.

To earlier feminists who had fought for the vote and for fair treatment in the workplace, it had seemed obvious that the ready availability of abortion would facilitate the sexual exploitation of women.

The pro-abortion media persist in reporting that the law permits abortion in the early months of pregnancy and only for compelling reasons, and many prefer to think that is so.

Many readers will remember the full - page signature advertisements feminists took out in the early days of the abortion movement, telling the world that they had killed their own unborn children.

In earlier statements, the ACOG defended the individual judgment of the physician in determining what is medically indicated as a buttress against laws criminalizing partial - birth abortion.

comparative studies on people with religiosity and various social ills has shown higher rates of belief in a creator correlate with higher rates of homicide, juvenile and early adult mortality, STD infection rates, teen pregnancy and abortion.

Some early Christian doctrinal docuuments rejecting abortion are the Didache and the Letter of Barnabas and the works of 2nd - century writers Tertullian and Athenagoras of Athens.

The authors give us a hint: «Our expectations for EC's effectiveness were biased upward by an early estimate that expanding access to EC could dramatically reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy and subsequent abortion.

Does the state have the right to prohibit a woman from terminating an unwanted pregnancy by abortion in the early stages — say, the first trimester of pregnancy?

However, when abortion doctors in the early 1990s developed a new method of abortion» denominated variously as dilation and extraction (D&X), intact D&X, or intact D&E» the states and Congress reacted with extensive legislation activity prohibiting «partial «birth abortion.»

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Reflecting on the disordered state of medical oaths in the era of abortion, the Value of Life Committee in early 1995 sent a letter of inquiry to a group of prominent scholars and physicians, including distinguished authors of texts on medical ethics.

«Although public opinion on abortion has stayed relatively steady for four decades, support for legalizing the procedure under any circumstance spiked in the early 1990s, when today's fortysomethings were coming of age,» wrote Emma Green for The Atlantic in 2015.

Earlier this year, I watched a video of women ages 15 to 50 saying the first thing that came to mind when they heard the word «abortion.»

(Over 90 percent of abortions take place much earlier in a woman's pregnancy, before 14 weeks, based on Centers for Disease Control data.)

There have been notable successes over the years, and the steady growth of the Order reveals a need within the pro-life cause that had perhaps not earlier been recognised: a practical understanding that this is a spiritual matter, that the widespread practice of abortion in western society really is an evil to be countered with a total commitment to Christ.

Abortion rates have been declining since the early 2000s, but the rate of decrease appears to have peaked at the height of the economic recession.

Why is the Catholic Church so reluctant to follow its own tradition of moral logic and allow the benefit of a doubt in early abortions?

The second pronouncement, on abortion, enjoys little if any direct support from Scripture, but is confirmed by early Church tradition and by the constant teaching of the magisterium, at least in our century.

It is anticipated that a low - priced suppository or pill that can induce abortion in the early weeks of pregnancy will soon be available.

What is at stake is a post-Enlightenment, rights - based ethic that tends to objectify fetal life at a very early stage, reducing the abortion dilemma to a conflict of rights — some favoring those of the fetus, some favoring those of the woman.