Sentences with phrase «of economic liberty»

The basic point, about the moral value and superior practical benefit of economic liberty seems inescapable.

Tomasi's support of economic liberties is not rooted in libertarian claims about self - ownership, taxation as theft, or the unjustifiability of regulating market transactions.

Not exact matches

you can also fill the airwaves of all these surrounding nations with disruptive ideas / propaganda like freedom of the press, individual liberty, economic opportunity, etc. — dangerous ideas to the surrounding kleptocracies / oligarchies.

He's a Thomist in terms of «epistemology,» which means that he believes that we're, by nature, all about both economic liberty and the truth about the personal, relational God.

I'm currently laying the groundwork for a book on American liberty, in which I argue there are five fundamental conceptions of it, one of which is the «economic individualist» liberty....

He also favored Toryism against Whiggism in politics and in history, and urged the cause of economic freedom as a precondition of political liberty.

The notable exception, in the alliances of modern conservatisms against statism, corporatism, and centralizations are some libertarians (neo-liberals) who wish to conserve an economic liberalism (meaning an elevated «liberty» and «right» in the public sphere).

Democratic capitalism means a system of natural liberty, incorporating both political liberty and economic liberty.

Rather, it is a set of Lochner - like expansions (in my judgment) of the Founders» understanding of natural rights (which itself may be the correct understanding of Locke, or not, and which, to necessarily complicate things even more, itself was usually moderated in practice by most Founders holding elements of the communitarian - classical view) that is the real ground of my distinction between the natural rights conception of liberty and the economic autonomy conception.

As a matter of principle, the Chinese leadership is betting on the possibility of sustaining economic liberty without political liberties.

This gets into philosophy - of - law issues, of course, but even some imaginable judicially restrained economic - autonomy - is - Locke's - teaching scholars (i.e., really none of the libertarian con - law scholars I know of) would be advocating a way of life, and a pattern of regular legislation, that centered one's practice of liberty upon, well, business - man, or to speak Republic book VIII, oligarchic - man, accomplishments.

Lochner bothers me more for this, and for what it implies about a further way of pushing the theory of liberty even further, the personal autonomy way, than for its prevention of particular economic policies.

That is the key thing for us, but I'll add that they are right to suspect that economic individualism was (and is) a real creed for not a few Americans, even though that actual creed went beyond what its purported official spokespersons put forth (I think usually sincerely) in the name of natural rights and constitutional liberty.

Some think of it as no more than a libertarian system, concerned with economic liberty alone, exaggeratedly individualistic, indifferent or even antithetical to welfare programs for the poor, unconcerned with the public good, focused solely on markets and private profit.

This Christian humanism has important political and economic ramifications, establishing for Röpke the true foundation of political and economic liberty that modern appeals to mere utility do not provide.

Best known for his classic defense of liberty and polemic against statism, The Road to Serfdom, Friedrich Hayek was deservedly honored by the Nobel Prize as one of the most influential economic and social thinkers of the twentieth century.

Even so his Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nationsis a remarkable work which deserves respect both as an enquiry and as an argument for economic liberty.

Justice involves the promotion of economic equity, political participation, and personal liberties among and between humans.

Politicians know this, and behind their «ritualistic allusions» to liberty, peace, and democracy they operate on the assumption that voters demand of them no more than an ever expanding economic abundance to satisfy their narrow and self «absorbed pursuit of personal freedom.

To date, most of the energies of newly democratizing societies have focused on the construction of the institutions of political and economic liberty — freely elected parliaments, free markets, etc..

As Novak reminds us, a new political and economic order of liberty «demands a new set of moral virtues.»

The trinitarian nature of liberty — political, economic, and moral - cultural — is also discussed anew.

He adds a pretty strong moral argument for the right and justice of liberty, including in the economic realm, i.e., no Obama «fairness.»

And it's an economic view of liberty that leads us to believe that, because economic policy can manufacture productivity better than political liberty can facilitate it, we should pour our energies into shaping and implementing economic policies.

At any rate, it's an economic view of liberty as a means that brings with it a political commitment to an activist, interventionist tax policy of incentives and disincentives.

All of society seemed intent on defending the principle of unrestricted liberty in the economic sphere.

Currently we lament and attempt to treat the numerous social, economic, and political symptoms of liberalism's idea of liberty but not the deeper sources of those symptoms deriving from the underlying pathology of liberalism's philosophic commitments.

If the left insists on the liberal interpretation of our constitutional and political institutions in an uncompromising effort to defend the ever - expanding role of the state to secure the practical liberty of individuals, the right defends the free - market system and uncompromisingly rejects any restraint on the unfettered economic choices of individuals.

Even in our own country, proud of its long heritage as the cradle of liberty and the land of the free, the issue of freedom, whether in the field of civil rights or of economic opportunity, is still the most fundamental problem of our time.

On this reading, I have a «right» to pursue my own conception of happiness, and «the permanent and aggregate interests of the community» are coequal with the protection of this liberty right and the promotion of economic prosperity.

It will consider natural law moral reasoning and its application to a variety of moral and political issues, including religious liberty, economic justice, just war and capital punishment, abortion, euthanasia, and marriage and sexuality.

In 1926 John Maynard Keynes, not yet the most celebrated economist of this century, said: «The political problem of mankind is to combine three things: economic efficiency, social justice, and individual liberty.»

I do think that — I passionately believe that free market economics — a liberty - oriented economic policy creating high sustained growth needs to be recognized as the best means for people to be lifted out of poverty.

He is convinced that it is precisely the lack of charity that has led us to the current economic and financial crisis: -LSB-...] When economic, social or political ideas are based on what is possible and self - determination, they undermine the true liberty of men.

There are not only potential economic costs to political redistribution; there are costs in terms of democracy and in terms of the liberties of individuals, as well.

A free society consists of three interdependent systems: the political, the economic, and the moral, each aimed at securing one of these kinds of natural liberties.

Not only that, the federal RFRA does not protect against state laws that infringe upon religious liberty, and state religious protections are now vociferously opposed by progressive political adherents and large corporations — as Indiana discovered recently when it was threatened with economic ruin for attempting to pass an RFRA that extended to the operation of businesses.

Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism - Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist - Leninist fronts.

When a society or a nation tries to direct its course on the basis of aggressive self - interest, denial of the rights and liberties of others, economic greed, lust for power, race prejudice, vindictiveness, and deception, situations are created which if unchecked lead to war.

Throughout the address Reagan's moral emphasis remains on the negative liberty of modern individualism as it derives from and applies to our economic activities, not on republican justice or biblical authority.

The political and economic system created by the United States and its allies after World War II — a system built around common defense measures and free trade — rescued Europe from the self - inflicted catastrophe of 1914 - 1945, prevented nuclear war, preserved the peace until the collapse of the Soviet empire, and allowed once - captive nations to reclaim their liberties.

Rather, the man who had first worked at the intersection of ideas and power during his World War II service at the British Embassy in Washington was a Russo - English exponent of classic American New Deal liberalism: a liberal who believed that government had an obligation to secure the economic, social, and educational conditions under which people could truly exercise their liberty.

But Hayek's liberty - defending politics, if not the particulars of his economic theories, grew to prominence with the rise of Milton Friedman, Alan Greenspan, and the Reagan Revolution.

(And to think, Paul the apostle wrote those words about a pagan Roman dictatorship persecuting Christians, while we live in the comparative comfort of a democratic republic with civil liberties, social mobility and economic opportunity!)

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) in Ghana believes in the principles that democratic societies provide individuals with the best conditions for political liberty, personal freedom, equality of opportunity and economic development under the rule of law; and therefore being committed to advancing the social and political values on which democratic societies are founded, including the basic personal freedoms and human rights, as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; in particular, the right of free speech, organization, assembly and non-violent dissent; the right to free elections and the freedom to organize effective parliamentary opposition to government; the right to a free and independent media; the right to religious belief; equality before the law; and individual opportunity and prosperity.

Economic liberals argue that the state should not interfere with the economic activities of citizens as this constitutes an impingement on their Economic liberals argue that the state should not interfere with the economic activities of citizens as this constitutes an impingement on their economic activities of citizens as this constitutes an impingement on their liberty.

Colm: I fear you are allowing your (and my) disagreements with the classical liberal / libertarian right on social and economic policy to get in the way of the possibility of useful discussion of civil liberties issues.

RM: You list economic dependence of non-unionised labour, the role of tryannical violence in the family and the way parliaments are suborned by non-elected executive power, but you don't list the rise of corporate power as a threat to liberty.

«Left liberals», such as John Rawls, and socialists, have allegedly missed this because they have underestimated the importance of «economic liberty» to individual citizens.

We suspect this is one reason why Rawls thought it wisest to exclude economic liberties from the list of basic liberties.