Sentences with phrase «of eurozone government»

The arithmetic of eurozone government refinancing needs, relative to the size of the current firewall, looks increasingly unpleasant.

It also appears that the ECB will concentrate on reducing its purchases of government (rather than corporate) bonds, but here issuance is increasing, with the net amount of eurozone government debt set to expand in 2018, in contrast to the contraction seen over the previous 18 months.

He repeats that the ECB is banned from monetary financing of eurozone governments.

Not exact matches

The process of this deal wasn't dissimilar to the bailout programmes that have already passed — the other eurozone governments were a little less sympathetic, partly due to public pressure, and the Greek government was more radical than ever.

The European Central Bank sometimes appears to be the sole eurozone institution seeking to restore the economy, in the absence of government spending stimulus.

FRANKFURT — The European Central Bank said on Thursday that it would begin buying hundreds of billions of euros worth of government bonds in an aggressive — though some say belated — attempt to prevent the eurozone from becoming trapped in long - term economic stagnation.

However, Varufakis» strategy already failed in previous negotiations with the Eurogroup, as the agreements signed with Eurozone countries stipulate that Greece will not be granted any further payments before the end of April, and they would be conditioned by a successful evaluation of the implementations of reforms announced by the Tsiprasled Greek government.

Government bond yields are negative across much of Northern Europe, amid fears of deflation and stresses in the eurozone.

And at government level throughout the eurozone, there are clearly conflicts of interest for the Greeks to exploit.

She's also calling for a government takeover of the French central bank (which is currently an independent entity that doesn't print money for the Treasury) and the creation of a currency system like the one previously used across the eurozone.

In an uncharacteristically short meeting of the eurozone's finance ministers in Brussels, president of the eurogroup Jeroen Dijsselbloem said the Greek government ought to stop throwing away time and begin enacting the reforms it requirements to complete its $ 7.2 bn in bail - out extension.

Greece would have no means for funding, and could end up leaving the Eurozone, not because it was specific strategy on the part of the government or even on the part of the creditors, but again, almost by accident.

-LRB-...) The strength of demand for eurozone «periphery» debt reflected increased investor appetite for higher - yielding government bonds as well as rising confidence in the creditworthiness of eurozone economies.

Growth in most of the eurozone has remained tepid and reliant on continued central bank stimulus, though the European Central Bank's (ECB's) bond - purchasing program has been hampered by a scarcity of eligible bonds, as issuance from member governments is restricted by their austerity - driven policies.

A key sign: Prices for government bonds of other heavily indebted eurozone countries — such as Spain and Italy — are not suffering in sync with Greek bonds, as they did before.

Though the ECB has acknowledged that one of the main factors underlying the eurozone's stagnation is a lack of credit growth, any potential use of QE seems unlikely to make much of an impact in this regard, even if an announcement of QE could drive yields down further, making it even less attractive for banks to hold government bonds.

The news of Greek finance minister Varoufakis» resignation is being perceived as an incremental positive for negotiations, but we think the «No» vote in Greece over the first weekend in July, the precarious position of the Greek banking system, and eurozone policymaker distrust of the current Greek government have clearly raised the chances of a Greek eurozone exit.

While it is quite true that some of the shackles on growth are outside of the control of domestic economic policy, such as the continuing eurozone crisis and imported inflation, government does have a role to create the best possible environment for businesses to thrive and grow.

It could also be different if it coincides with importunate military pressures or pressures on the currency that preclude slower - paced adjustment (as in 1931 or 1950), or if it takes place in the context of an external bailout that cuts across the normal electoral cycle (as with the US bailout of the Attlee government in 1949, the IMF bailout of 1976 or the more recent Eurozone bailouts), or in a context of no or very low economic growth over a prolonged period.

Under Osborne, productivity is abysmal, business investment is weak, exports are struggling (despite the fact that, unlike the eurozone economies, we still have full control of our own currency thanks to the decisions of the last government).

The second part of the agreement involves a common resolution scheme whereby when any eurozone bank gets into trouble the scheme will decide whether to bail out the bank or let it go bust, with all eurozone governments jointly bearing the cost of the bailout.

In fairness to the Conservative - led government, they have been clear that they believe Britain belongs in Europe and out of the eurozone.

In this regard, Greece's creditors have reaped what they sowed; by demanding yet more austerity two months before national elections, the IMF, EU Commission, and ECB facilitated the fall of Samaras» coalition government, rise of Syriza, and the chaos that has ensued, almost leading to the dissolution of the Eurozone.

In light of the considerable uncertainty around the economic and fiscal outlook, including the risks posed to economic recovery by ongoing financial tensions in the eurozone and against the backdrop of a still large structural budget deficit and high and rising government debt, the Negative Outlook indicates a slightly greater than 50 % chance of a downgrade over a two - year horizon.»

In reality, however, it is the eurozone's capitals — especially the incoherence of the Merkel - Sarkozy approach, not to speak of the feebleness of Club Med governments - and not the EU that have caused the problems.

The British government has tried to bring the two sides of the eurozone debate together with separate messages to the Greek and German people on the back of a G8 meeting in the US.

«Before the full impact of the eurozone crisis, the government's decision to cut spending and raise taxes too far and too fast has undermined business confidence, held back growth, stalled job creation and left Britain's economy dangerously exposed,» he said.

Adam Fleming took the mood box to find out whether the public thought the age of austerity was worth it as the crisis in the eurozone rumbles on, government cuts are starting to bite, and the cost of living continues to go up.

Certainly the attitude of the UK government has not helped; on one hand urging the eurozone to accept the «remorseless logic» of greater economic and fiscal integration, including Germany taking on liabilities for weaker eurozone states via debt pooling, while on the other refusing to take part in such measures itself and zealously looking after its own self interest.

In a marked change of tone, the government is now predicting the worst and seeking to attribute blame, wholesale, to the Eurozone crisis.

There is a warning in the travails of the eurozone, but not the one that the government claim there is.

Miliband then used his speech to launch a powerful assault on the government's claim that Britain has entered a double dip recession as a result of the troubles in the eurozone.

«Some of us want the UK government to use the influence it says it has at the IMF to halt the futile bail outs of Eurozone members.

This Coalition Government was formed in the midst of a debt crisis in the Eurozone.

Troubles in Italy (and other poorly - led nations) benefit Britain... «UK long - term borrowing costs have fallen to their lowest level this year, as troubles in the eurozone offset worries over a fresh batch of credit rating downgrades for government - backed institutions.»

After all, the Government misjudged the speed of our recovery; it is therefore not impossible a similar misjudgement has been made about the Eurozone.

If the Greeks and other fringe members of the Eurozone default, and the core governments don't bail the situation out, those holding CP of core Eurozone banks may take a loss.

Some of the outperformers are the S&P Eurozone Developed Sovereign Bond Index (up 11.98 %), the S&P U.S. Issued Investment Grade Corporate Bond Index (up 7.71 %) and the S&P China Government Bond Index (up 10.35 %).

The book spends a lot of time on the Eurozone, with its bevy of distressed governments.

As shown in Exhibit 3, the growth of dividend ETPs» assets since year - end 2009 coincided with a period of low and declining 10 - year government bond yields in the U.S., eurozone, and Japan.

Of course, the big unknowns are what happens if the eurozone crisis deepens and / or the Irish government gets even more «hands on» with the financial sector, so let's not count our chickens just yet!

Despite the good intentions of its creators, the idea of setting up a permanent international body competent to grant financial assistance (amongst other things) to eurozone members in financial difficulties goes somewhat against the foundations of the Economic and Monetary Union, which aims at ensuring price stability through sound government budgets.

The first was set out in the Eurogroup statement of 20 February 2015 and the second took the form of a complementary list of planned reforms, which was sent by the Greek government to its Eurozone partners on 23 February 2015.

Overall, the book gives an excellent account of the debate on the legitimacy of government and governance of the Eurozone and ultimately the EU that took place in the aftermath of the Eurocrisis and contains interesting ideas on how more democratic legitimacy could be achieved, which is why it is definitively worth reading and discussing.

A couple of months ago, an interesting volume edited by Federico Fabbrini, Ernst Hirsch Ballin and Han Somsen entitled «What form of government for the European Union and the Eurozone?