Sentences with phrase «of federal voucher»

NSBA urges Congress to reject the implementation of a federal voucher program or other voucher alternatives and to work with us to improve, not weaken our public schools — which educate more than 50 million students.

Betsy DeVos has one mission at the Department of Education: to expand charter schools and lead the establishment of a federal voucher program — a program that would siphon public dollars meant for our public schools, and allow it to pad the pockets and budgets of private schools and private management companies.

Then there are the consequences of the federal voucher plan for global warming — I actually do have a story about that — but let me stop there...

Not exact matches

The rare pediatric disease priority review voucher program under section 529 of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C. 360ff).

The budget that President Donald Trump proposed Monday takes a hard whack at the poorest Americans, slashing billions of dollars from food stamps, public health insurance and federal housing vouchers, while trying to tilt the programs in more conservative directions.

They would also need to report to state and federal educational officials so that the methods and results of the different local public school reforms could be compared to each other and to voucher experiments.

More than 39,000 households benefit from Section 8 Housing Choice vouchers, which are completely funded by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, according to the analysis.

The UFT has issued a memo warning of a potential loss of millions of dollars in federal funds for more than 1,200 New York City public schools if Trump's administration adopts a voucher system for schools.

Assemblyman William Boyland Jr. of Brooklyn is facing federal mail fraud charges related to allegations that he filed bogus travel vouchers and collected per diem payments for days the lawmaker falsely claimed he was in Albany on legislative business.

Nass, Stroebel and Kapenga wrote a memo demanding amendments that would prohibit UW from spending $ 4 million on diversity training for students and faculty; raise the income eligibility for the statewide voucher program to 300 percent of the federal poverty level; repeal the state prevailing wage on Jan. 1; and forbid municipalities to impose any wheel tax not approved through a referendum.

Sharpton added that Devos — a longtime backer of charter and Christian schools --» does not believe in public education,» and would transform federal school funding into a voucher system that would favor a small percentage of well - off students while neglecting the rest.

If Section 8 vouchers are applied, the city would require a waiver from the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development to allocate units to current NYCHA residents.

More than 700,000 students in more than 1,200 New York City schools — including large high schools in all five boroughs — would face higher class sizes, have fewer teachers and lose after - school academic and enrichment programs if President - elect Trump makes good on a campaign promise to pull billions of federal dollars away from public schools to pay for private vouchers, a UFT analysis has found.

According to data from the Child Care and Census Bureaus, in 2005 approximately 4 percent of all families with children age 12 and under benefited from $ 9 billion in vouchers through the Child Care and Development Fund and $ 3 billion in subsidies provided by the federal Temporary Aid to Needy Families program.

McKenzie Snow argues that the federal grants could allow students to attend the average Catholic elementary school (the lowest - tuition private schools) if supplemented by a state voucher on the order of those in Indiana, North Carolina, or Ohio ($ 4000 average).

Were Congress to enact some semblance of portability, Congress — and any states choosing to take up the option — would need to address questions like under what conditions (tuition, selectivity, compliance with state and federal curricular and civil rights requirements) private schools would be allowed to accept the vouchers.

Back in 2004, Spencer Hsu told the story of how the first federal voucher program was launched, when George W. Bush signed legislation providing grants worth as much as $ 7,500 each to children from dozens of public schools in the District of Columbia for their use at private or religious schools in a five - year experiment.

Lawmakers considering portability or other federal voucher programs must understand that the concept of federal dollars going into a «backpack of cash» that follows eligible students to the schools of their choice, whether public or private, is only part of the story.

With the passage of the federal budget, the school voucher program in Washington, D.C. has been spared from the chopping block.

The federal tax credit proposal is one of several ideas under review by the White House to fulfill Donald Trump's campaign promise to promote the expansion of charter schools and vouchers that would allow families of low income to use public money for private school tuition, sources tell POLITICO.

The 2,308 students in the OSP study make it the largest school voucher evaluation in the U.S., making the achievement results even more compelling when compared to results from other, similar experimental evaluations of education policies undertaken by the federal government.

The new plan would funnel federal money directly to one type of public college, taking a first step away from the existing voucher model and toward one that looks more like America's K - 12 system.

The federal No Child Left Behind Act, which President George W. Bush signed into law last year, represented a victory for the advocates of public school choice: the law rejected funding for private school vouchers, but did mandate that districts allow children in persistently failing schools to transfer to public schools that perform better.

The irony in the Ninth Circuit outcome is that the tax - credit mechanism, which Arizona adopted in order to avoid legal challenges, created a new pitfall; there is little doubt that a program that offered vouchers directly to parents instead would now be acceptable as a matter of federal law.

«If you think Common Core snuck up on families with the less than 1 percent of education dollars the Obama administration dangled in front of states, just wait until more public and private schools are directly accepting federal control through federal vouchers and the next Democratic administration decides they want to tell these schools what to teach kids.»

The specific exclusion of religious schools from state voucher programs, as in Vermont, raises federal questions beyond the Establishment Clause.

Even if the Supreme Court were to resolve the federal and state legal questions in favor of vouchers, it would only be setting the stage for the next arena of conflict.

Only 30.2 percent of voucher participants said they received all services required under federal law from their public school, while 86 percent reported their McKay school provided all the services they promised to provide.

«I can tell you this — if you gave the American people a choice today between using federal dollars to renovate and build new public schools or using public tax dollars to pay for private school vouchers, there would be no question how the American people would vote,» asserted U.S. Secretary of Education Richard W. Riley in a speech made when the report was released.

This variation highlights the challenge of designing federal policies that work well in states that vary in terms of district size, charter enrollment, size of the private sector, and existing choice policies such as interdistrict choice, charters, and vouchers.

When Mr. Obama first moved to phase out the D.C. voucher program in 2009, his Education Department was in possession of a federal study showing that voucher recipients, who number more than 3,300, made gains in reading scores and didn't decline in math.

But, if that's all true, then I'm wondering why those same voices have yet to speak up now — even if only to say, «We disagree vehemently with Secretary DeVos on school vouchers, cuts to federal spending, and the whole Trump agenda, but calling her a «white supremacist» is out of bounds and antithetical to what we believe in.»

Confident that more of Washington's low - income public school students will apply for the tuition vouchers next year, federal officials said a study would be launched at that time.

The inadequate number of eligible applicants has led federal officials to drop plans for a study that would have compared the achievement of voucher recipients with that of students who requested the grants but didn't receive them.

When a phrase like «white supremacy» is bandied about so lightly, the most straightforward response for many on the Right (and even some in the middle), is to conclude that anyone who wants to shrink the federal government, supports school vouchers, or is skeptical of affirmative action risks being stamped a «white supremacist.»

A recent federal study of the much - watched voucher program in Washington, D.C., for example, showed that using a voucher boosted a student's chances of graduating from high school.

Giving education vouchers to low - income parents would be a more effective way to finance the learning of economically and educationally deprived students than the current federal compensatory - education program, which should be terminated, contends Herbert J. Walberg, professor of education at the University of Illinois at Chicago.

The Supreme Court's ruling on vouchers sanctioned a hands - off market approach to schooling while the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLBA) laid the heaviest federal hand on state and local control of schools in U.S. history.

Governor Romney has made the expansion of school choice for disadvantaged students central to his campaign, calling for the expansion of the Washington, D.C., voucher program and for allowing low - income and special education students to use federal funds to enroll in private schools.

WASHINGTON — Representative Patricia Schroeder, Democrat of Colorado, is investigating the activities of the Education Department's regional liaison in Denver, who recently mailed at federal expense brochures supporting a statewide tuition - voucher system.

Trying to save face and still limit the reach of the voucher program, Holder and DOJ asked federal district judge Ivan Lemelle to force the state to provide data on the students receiving vouchers and to give DOJ authority to veto vouchers for particular students.

But last week, the Arizona senator sought to offer voters a more complete picture of his views on schools, outlining an agenda of higher pay for «master teachers,» school vouchers, and fewer «strings» attached to federal dollars designated for K - 12 education.

These federal vouchers trained the «greatest generation» and made it possible for a greater percentage of Americans to continue into higher education than in any other country.

George W. Bush's election in 2000 removed that obstacle, and the transition to unified Republican control of the federal government led some District officials to calculate that voucher legislation for the city would eventually come to pass.

While opponents said that vouchers had no track record of improving student performance, supporters countered that no alternative could be worse than Washington's public schools, which in any case were in line to receive more federal aid.

To opponents, the creation of a federal program that pays for children to attend private schools can only foster the spread of vouchers.

In the fall, 870 students in kindergarten through 3rd grade whose families earned less than two and a half times the federal poverty level and who would otherwise attend some of the worst schools in the city received vouchers worth up to $ 6,000 to attend private schools of their choice.

Resurrecting long - ignored school desegregation lawsuits of the 1970s, the DOJ petitioned a federal district court to permanently enjoin Louisiana from awarding any vouchers to students in districts operating under federal desegregation orders until the state had received authorization from a federal court.

This approach has several advantages over vouchers funded out of the federal budget: no existing federal money expected by school districts would be affected; no state money would be involved, thus avoiding legal conflicts with constitutional provisions that bar the use of state and local money for religious schools in 37 states; and, as a pure federal initiative, state laws and tax codes would remain unaffected.

When combined with a federal tax loophole that allows taxpayers to receive a federal deduction on a dollar - for - dollar state tax credit, 10 of these states» credits are so lucrative that they allow some upper - income taxpayers to turn a profit (at federal taxpayer expense) on contributions they make to fund private school vouchers.