Sentences with phrase «of federalist»

A supporter of the federalist cause in Quebec, Pelletier departed from traditional policy by also seeking to help Francophone minority groups from other parts of the country resist assimilating with the English - speaking majority.
«Barkley Hendricks: «Let's Make Some History»» is mounted in a gallery across from another exhibition featuring some of the museum's vast collection of federalist era portraiture.
But we must not discard the proven constitutional discipline of our federalist system.
That has been their intention from the start and so the creation of a federalist state, which would exert control over national Parliaments, has long been known.
On Tuesday, retiring Conservative MEP Christopher Beazley announced he was seeking full membership of the federalist European Peoples» Party group in Brussels for his final couple of months there.
So seemingly «weird «legislation is not the result of some federalist conspiracy or EU power grab, it's integral to the core economic purpose of the EU.
One explanation could be that people can «vote with their feet» in these kinds of federalist countries.
Six of the federalist papers are dedicated to taxes.
Nerds who read blogs will note his mention of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS.
That not superfluous adantage of veneration is the theme of FEDERALIST 49.
A FEDERALIST 49 constitutionalist admits that most of the FEDERALIST PAPERS are somewhat weak when it comes to this conservative insight.
Her own assessment of the Cold War was to see the anticommunist crusade as an end in itself embedded in McCarthyism, which was an indicator of the growth of populist lawlessness and a breakdown of the federalist balance of powers.
By turning Carey's interpretation into an «ism,» Paul suggests that his presentation of THE FEDERALIST is quite selective, which it is.
To engage in such formalistic rhetoric is to ignore the substantive conception of human nature (and of a natural moral law) that informed the political thought of both Federalists and anti-Federalists.
Indeed, the history of the Federalists and the Whigs bears this out - not every minority party eventually returns to the majority.
I think there are two main types of federalists: the Heritage - Federalists and the CATO - Federalists... Heritage - Federalist [s] are still down with the establishment, the only difference is they prefer smaller units of governments.

Not exact matches

MONTREAL — Paul Desmarais, one of Canada's most influential business tycoons and a strong federalist, has died at the age of 86.
May's election results suggest that the favorite may well be Jean - Claude Juncker, a former prime minister of Luxembourg and an old - school European federalist, who Merkel initially backed.
And there was the underlying mentality of many of the more ardent Euro - federalists in the leading countries, including many British, French and Italians; that the coming together of Europe was a miraculous renascence that would restore to the old continent the headship of the world.
He'll also have a tricky balancing act to pull off as a federalist leader with a lot of former Bloc supporters.
It is possible the process will highlight pre-existing tensions among the remaining EU members — between those states that believe in moving toward a more deeply integrated, federalist structure, and those largely opposed to further transfers of power from national to regional bodies, preferring to maintain the status quo — and in doing so hasten the move to a so - called «two - speed» EU.
Deneen's immediate source for the Founding = Locke = THE FEDERALIST = individualistic techno - nihilism is what Paul Seaton astutely called the anti-Founderism of his brilliant and wonderful teacher Carey McWilliams.
I know many who have been made into quasi-libertarian radical federalists by this narrative — after all, if we lower the stakes, surely the fights will grow less vicious — others, including MacIntyre himself, recommend the founding of autonomous communities with a shared vision of what a good life entails.
Wills's contention that Madison was a proponent of legislative supremacy among the branches is unconvincing given that it was the overweening power granted legislatures by the state constitutions that Madison and other Federalists sought to avoid at the federal level in the Constitution.
And Amar and others such as his colleague Bruce Ackerman (leaders of what Wills terms the «Yale school of nullification») have been arguing that the Federalists were not altogether successful, leaving room in our constitutional government for exceptional moments of popular intervention on behalf of a fundamental reorientation of American politics.
The primary concern of Brutus is that judicial review is a stealth weapon implicit in the idea of a written Constitution that would be used by the evildoing Federalists to dispower the states.
Even the account of judicial review (sort of) in FEDERALIST 78 appears to be mainly a response to the Anti-Federalist author Brutus.
In the event president and Congress agree, it's really unclear that THE FEDERALIST thought of the Court as an effective or even appropriate counterweight.
Mr. Ceaser is so impressed by the argument for veneration that FEDERALIST 49 appears on the license plate of one of his big cars.
One of the great merits of Banning's meticulous work is to show the divisions that existed among Federalists even as they came together in the movement for a new Constitution.
His private correspondence with fellow nationalists (who were coming to be called Federalists) was extensive, frequently directive, and clearly dismissive of the anti-Federalist opposition (Patrick Henry among them).
Most of the suspicious antifederalists were pushing for a Bill of Rights, while the federalists, feeling that rights had been assured in the unamended Constitution, opposed it.
He himself finds it in a «federalist» position that is eerily reminiscent of Dworkin's (or Nozick's) neutral state.
If it can be shown, after all, that the founding Federalists were opposed to any government that promoted a particular conception of the good life, might we not then say that Laurence Tribe's and Eleanor Smeal's defense of «reproductive freedom» as a constitutional right is consistent with the principles of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay?
Bork, Arthur contends, is far afield precisely because he grounds his jurisprudence in a moral skepticism and positivism that denies «claims of natural rights» as discovered, for example, in «Jefferson's ringing endorsement of self - evident rights in the Declaration of Independence and the Federalists» insistence on separation of powers and the adoption of the Bill of Rights.»
Simply put, the Federalists believed government should protect the public from the worst inclinations of the powerful, while the anti-Federalists felt government existed solely to protect the powerful from infringement.
Thus, the «Federalists» «anti-majoritarian bias, and their commitment to neutrality between competing conceptions of the good life, lays the groundwork for a Supreme Court whose commitment to such vague notions as «libertarian dignity under law» makes it the supreme umpire in American life.
My purpose, therefore, is not to provide a systematic critique of the book, but rather to comment on two of its more interesting aspects, namely: (1) its argument that the Federalists, in writing the Constitution, were actually defending the principle of the «neutral» state, and (2) its attempt to apply «neutral state» principles to the issues of abortion, infanticide, and euthanasia.
And so we learn, for example, from THE FEDERALIST or from Hobbes that the Athenian assembly was filled with vain and contentious men, men animated by sometimes cruel and often violent aristocratic pretensions.That «democracy» did have the characters or the institutions to support a just and stable middle - class way of life.
He makes a strong case that the idea of covenant, drawn from scripture and developed variously in different cultures and societies, is particularly suited to support public, just, pluralistic, federalist structures within the church and in the government.
Cameron had caved in to a delegation of «Better off out» Conservative MPs, who said that the EPP was too federalist» Instead, they insisted, an alternative alliance comprising «real» conservatives, especially from the 2004 EU intake in Central and Eastern Europe, could be formed.
(After all, leading examples of empirical «decentralization» in today's world include China and France, neither one of which would be confused with a constitutionally federalist legal order.)
While not necessarily the best policy, accommodating experiments in the «laboratories of democracy» represents smart politics: it fits with Republican notions of states» rights and federalist self - determination, but is also consistent with the overwhelming support cannabis legalisation enjoys among the Democratic base.
Thus, it's hardly surprising that the federalist option has been rediscovered as a way to solve the problems of the «State of Autonomies».
And the distillation of the whole campaign into a personal contest between Alex Salmond and Alistair Darling has framed the choice as one between the SNP's catch - all brand of civic nationalism and a Unionism with New Labour characteristics — at the expense of putting into play the ideological diversity on both sides, from the environmentalist republican nationalism of the Scottish Socialists and Greens, to the federalist vision of the Liberal Democrats, and the cautious sovereigntism of the Conservatives.
The other threat to republican virtue in the late eighteenth century, which formed a point of contention especially in the American context between the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists, was the sheer size of the territorial state.
Your answer is presumably that we are allied with federalists with whom we we fundementally disagree as do the majority of the British people.
This could be done by renewing the old tradition of European «federalist sovereignty», but in a way that would reinforce rather than impede political agency.
There are definitely some rich countries without a federalist type of government and you've shown that.
Although the U.S. has a federalist framework, since roughly the administration of Theodore Roosevelt administration and with a larger expansion under FDR, the federal government has been growing in size and scope far beyond what the original framers of the constitution ever intended.
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