Sentences with phrase «of liberal»

On the one hand, we have deleted the somber aspects of God, thereby ignoring the tart warning by that relentless opponent of liberal theology, J. Gresham Machen, that «religion can not be made joyful simply by looking on the bright side of God.»

These countries which had seen exceptional growth rates, were presented by the defenders of the liberal order as development models which demonstrated the benefits of the globalisation of the world economy.

Like the establishment clause of the First Amendment, which Madison authored a few years later, it was a Madisonian addendum to the Lockean ideal of liberal toleration in a society with an established church.

Both broad streams of traditionalist responses to the contemporary climate of oppression — those who say our troubles are an extension of liberal principles and those who say they are a betrayal of those principles — tend to jump too quickly from theory to practice, and so to treat the lived experience of our society as a kind of working out of philosophical premises.

A preview of The Public Square, forthcoming in the March issue of First Things.There is an understanding of liberal pluralism that is compatible with Islam.

In the pages of the Wall Street Journal, Peggy Noonan wonders if a string of failures for the Obama administration counts as mounting evidence not only against his primary claim to rule, executive competence, but also against the undergirding premises of liberal political philosophy.

The politics of the liberal economy aims at maintaining the maximal control of the triad over the rest of the world.

Both of the major camps of social conservative reaction to the challenges of the last few years are right in part: We have always had to struggle against the inclination of our liberal society to furiously pound itself into what Edmund Burke called «the dust and powder of individuality,» and to resist its elevation of choice above commitment.

The purpose is to underscore what ancient philosophy had understood about itself and the purpose of the liberal arts.

And insofar as truth remains relevant to the efforts of the liberal state to resolve these contests, it reduces truth itself to what can be known through the empirical or quasi-empirical sciences.

But many of the liberal intellectual leaders, from whom resistance might have been expected, failed to provide it.

I spoke originally of liberal and progressive Protestants as facing the question I am addressing in these lectures.

This, then, is the tragic irony of a century or so of liberal Catholicism.

This was clearly a rejection of the liberal program, a rejection that became central to discussion among Protestants for several decades.

That is not the fault of liberal academics who correct the grammar in black students» term papers, and eventually the liberal establishment will call off the witch - hunt.

The father of liberal theology was Friedrich Schleiermacher.

Meanwhile an important part of the West, the European Union, has pushed forward to realize ideals of liberal universalism, although it is beginning to feel the ground shifting beneath it.

It appears to be on a collision course with the best of our liberal values.

His predominant theme is the rise of a liberal model of civilisation which he traces from Protestantism, with its «rejection of the normative significance of tradition in the field of Christian dogma» (p. 6), followed by the Enlightenment, which placed an absolute value on the individual.

Though not in the camp of liberal Protestantism, ELCA Lutheranism is so positioned in the American religious scene as to be deeply affected by all the movements, «theologies of,» and liberation forces of the past decades.

And you would be right, but as Robby notes, «The impulse to crush the rights of conscience... to ensure conformity with what have become key tenets of the liberal faith (abortion, «sexual freedom,» «same - sex marriage») is the authoritarian impulse» at work.

I have, therefore, no choice but to face the problems of liberal Protestantism, however serious and difficult they may be.

This reading of the liberal tradition is in accord with Wolfe's claim that liberalism is «methodologically individualist.»

Rather because it excludes faith it also excludes philosophical reason, thereby deciding all ultimate questions in advance on the basis of a liberal philosophy of nature and reason so ubiquitous as to be invisible.

«THIS IS ALL PART OF THE LIBERAL MEDIA»S CONSPIRACY TO TAKE CHRIST OUT OF CHRISTMAS!»

(I know plenty of liberal universalists who would answer in favour of Gods goodness.)

The trick to studying well is to steer clear of liberal theologians who care little for truth, and would rather render the text in as «politically correct» a manner as possible.

For example, 62 per cent of liberal Protestants believe that a married woman who wants no more children should have the right to an abortion, whereas only 46 per cent of the moderates, and 28 per cent of conservatives, agree.

Having found the God of liberal Protestantism implausible or boring, American liberal elites discovered a new deity, the worship of which involved a drastic transformation of nearly every sector of American life by the new liberalism's favorite instrument of salvation, the state.

Ravitch concludes by praising the «1000 schools [that] use the Core Knowledge Curriculum, which describes explicitly what shall be taught in the full range of liberal arts and sciences in each grade.»

In my earlier years I had little doubt about not only the moral superiority but also the historical future of the values of the liberal democratic tradition.

The relativism and tolerance of a liberal world view now demand a kind of respect for non-Christian religions which precludes overt attempts to evangelize among them.

However, the more insecure the future of a liberal, secular society appears to be, the more confident I feel about the future of religion — not a future in relation to emancipation and economic and / or political liberation.

1Gates is one of the authors whose essays are included in a collection edited by Darryl L. Gless and Barbara Hernstein Smith, The Politics of Liberal Education (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990).

If the liberal definition of who Jefferson is is found to be faulty, it follows the foundation stones of much of the liberal political and social agendas are turned into sinking sand.

The far - from - impressive picture of liberal churches that emerges from these data is that they are inhabited by aging, not very committed members, many of whom are headed out the church door.

One reason, I suspect, is a reflexive hostility to fundamentalists and socially conservative Catholics whose religious way of life is most likely to come into conflict with the dominant strains of our liberal secular culture.

For the same reason, a Whiteheadian politics denies the conclusion of the liberal objection, namely, that freedom can be maximized only if self - interest is viewed as preferential.

The precipitous decline of liberal Protestantism is frequently viewed as a phenomenon of the last few decades, but the stereotype of religious liberalism as desiccated and dying goes back much further in time.

In this stimulating collection of essays written while he served on the President's Council on Bioethics, Peter Augustine Lawler proves himself again one of liberal democracy's most perceptive friendly critics.

Specifically, I will argue that Whitehead's perspective yields an understanding of happiness sufficiently different from the liberal view that Whitehead's thought can be the basis for a transcendence of the liberal tradition.

He could not support the «mob psychology, the mystique of the street, the rage against all institutions of liberal democracy, and... the militant antireason of the Movement.

He traces our unease to the father of liberal democracy, John Locke, and to his claim that what nature provides for us is «virtually worthless,» becoming valuable only when mixed with our labor.

This articles is excerpted from The Empty Church: The Suicide of Liberal Christianity, published this month by Free Press, a division of Simon & Schuster, Inc..

From the liberal standpoint, the essential thing is that the new issue provokes opposition from the forces of reaction, who may then be conquered in a public and dramatic fashion by the political mobilization of liberal forces.

Nor is it an act of aggression designed to destroy the «middle ground» Sullivan would like us to agree to occupy as members of a liberal society.

The virulent anti-authoritarian bias and radical individualism so typical of liberal Christianity these days must be overcome.

They've adopted a version of the liberal Protestant turn to experience.

It comes across as crass and smells of liberal arrogance.

Republicans always through this into faces of any liberal they deem has gone to far in public discourse: «Freedom of Speech is protected speech, but anything you say will have consequences — sometimes unfavorable consequences.»