Sentences with phrase «of liberal movement»

This was the beginning of the Liberal movement.

The unfolded, expanded and draped figures enjoy a regime of liberal movement through the space, as the body is permitted to move within the drapery enshrouding its forms.

But the state does have a history of liberal movement politics — be it women's suffrage, anti-slavery movements in pockets of upstate New York and labor.

The 19th century also witnessed the growth of the Liberal movement, which campaigned for a separationist constitutional amendment but was undone in part by the unpopularity of it's equivocal position on obscenity.

The welfare state, which grew out of the liberal movement, was full of corruption and failed to meet its goals.

Not exact matches

The loss of that clause, which liberals had seen as a crowning achievement of the Civil Rights movement, makes it easier for states to adopt voting laws that can have an adverse impact on minority voters.

The movement to remake Canada — to shred the remnants of the liberal consensus that governed this land for most of the past half - century — took a giant step last night with the election of a majority Conservative government.

Joly billed the new measure as part of her Liberal government's commitment to confronting sexual harassment in the wake of the worldwide MeToo and TimesUp movements.

Somehow I don't think that Isaac Chotiner's liberal friends were hoping that the Boston bombers were deranged fans of the Occupy movement.

Putting this in the most politic light possible, the National Liberal League resolved that «the Christian or anti-Christian character of this movement is solely a question of private interpretation.»

Although there was no tidy definition of the movement's leadership, it was understood that the movement had the power to certify what was legitimately liberal — remembering that in those tumultuous days liberalism routinely called itself radical.

What had begun as mainline Protestant support for the classic civil - rights movement quickly morphed into liberal Protestant support for black militancy, the most strident forms of anti-Vietnam protest, the most extreme elements of the women's movement and the environmental movement, the nuclear - freeze and similar agitations, and, latterly, the gay - liberation movement.

Even more important, liberals lack the «moral values» which must undergird «any serious movement of social transformation.»

Today «liberal Protestnatism» usually refers to Protestant movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that responded to the increasingly secular and atheist character of the dominant forms of European culture.

Though not in the camp of liberal Protestantism, ELCA Lutheranism is so positioned in the American religious scene as to be deeply affected by all the movements, «theologies of,» and liberation forces of the past decades.

From our analysis here, post-conservative theologians and popular expressions of such in some emergent - type movements, insofar as these still place priority on the experience of the individual and in the present over traditions, are still liberal.

On the contrary, I believe that in the same wait that we have seen a delay in the social movement with regard to the construction of Europe, the liberal construction of Europe, the social movement is way behind schedule regarding globalisation.

From the beginning, we have believed that the Spirit given on the day of Pentecost causes both «sons and daughters to prophesy»... We had no connections to liberal social movements, but were demonstrating racial equality in pockets all around the world years before the modern civil rights movement.

He was the basic source for the American personalist movement founded by Borden P. Bowne; and the frequency with which he was quoted in the writings of other liberal theologians would indicate that his influence was pervasive.

What we have termed «bureaucratic theology» has dominated much of the UUA's theological education and political organization until recently, giving outsiders the impression that the movement was simply a very liberal continuation of Protestant impulses.

Furet, in sharp contrast, sees the two totalitarian movements as dangerously utopian efforts to overcome the spiritual dissatisfactions of liberal democratic modernity.

The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «liberal» because it was concerned for church union and social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.

Throughout his account of the struggle of the movement in the South, Branch effectively weaves the story of its efforts to win the support of northern liberals like John and Robert Kennedy.

when I first started reading up on how extreme Christian fundamentalism has become in the last 30 yrs (since I left Evangelicalism), I was stunned to find that there is a whole movement afoot to keep children, especially girls, from attending college — yes, even BJU — for fear of them being «indoctrinated» with «liberal ideas».

Yet most of those same observers, when pressed for an opinion as to where the vital juices are flowing in contemporary American religion, will call our attention not only to born - again conservative evangelicalism, but also to movements and tendencies that stand in a direct line of succession to the liberal traditions.

The Death of God movement was part of a tradition of liberal Protestantism that sought to turn critics of Christianity into allies who could help midwife a fuller realization of the essence of faith.

The neocons were for the most part disillusioned liberals (or radicals) who broke with their former allies over what they considered the febrile, guilt» ridden anti-Americanism embraced by much of the left in the wake of the anti-Vietnam War movement.

Although neoconservatives originally hoped to exercise influence among liberals» their first institutional incarnation, after all, was as the Coalition for a Democratic Majority» the direction of their movement, from the time it targeted the New Left as the enemy, was always to the right.

Until fairly recently in the UK, the Conference of Bishops and the National Council of Priests were dominated by the same liberal dogmatism that simply would not allow alternative views, such as those offered by the Faith movement, to be promoted or debated.

The religious education movement, a mainline Protestant church endeavor, was the offspring of liberal theology.

Castro was not a «progressive» and Mao did not represent the Leftist turn of the modern liberal movement.

Finally, I would say that there is a liberal Catholicism that was inspired both by the Second Vatican Council (or at least a certain reading of it) and by the social movements of the 1960s and 70s, particularly feminism.

By «liberal theology» I mean the movement in modern Protestantism which during the nineteenth century tried to bring Christian thought into organic unity with the evolutionary world view, the movements for social reconstruction, and the expectations of «a better world» which dominated the general mind.

I recount these anecdotes not only to give you a sense of the personality of the man who is in some important respects synonymous with American Jewry and who is responsible for conceiving of some of its major institutions, from the once liberal orthodoxy of the Young Israel movement, to the Reconstructionist movement in Judaism, to the very structure of the American synagogue, which he called a synagogue center, to my own institution, The University of Judaism.

The rise of McCarthyism, according to Lasch, confirmed in the minds of many liberal critics like Hofstadter that mass movements mask ingrained hatred of the other and therefore control must be taken from the people and the folk cultures they foster.

Though the imam and I were in a minority in that group of predominantly liberal Protestants, we represented the movements among us that are actually growing in numbers.

For many who still call themselves liberal, all these diverse and frequently contradictory movements constitute The Movement, a continuous course of progressive change.

But the achievements of the progressive and liberal movements of the past are now called into question by the general obsolescence and breakdown of the arrangements that were made during the New Deal and postwar years.

On the Back of Civil Rights The last great liberal cause that now meets with almost universal approbation was the civil - rights movement under the leadership of Martin Luther King Jr..

His beliefs and politics: In the 1980s, Floyd was part of a conservative movement to curb liberal politics within the SBC in Arkansas, and Huckabee beat him in a race to lead the state convention, The New York Timesreported.

In his thought there was none of the utopian thought or «evolutionary optimism» often attributed to liberal theology and the social gospel movement by its critics.

It is to the credit of the social gospel movement in American liberal Christianity that the need of changing social structures has been persistently stressed, and however far it may be necessary to go beyond it to a deeper emphasis on human sin, this must never be lost sight of.

Three emergent theological movements — black theology, feminist theology, and liberation theology from the Third World — challenge traditional ways of doing theology on the grounds that Christian consciousness as it has been» given shape in the modern world is burdened with Western, liberal, male and white perceptions of reality.

The label «modernist,» usually reserved for only a segment of the liberal thrust of theology in the late 19th and into the 20th century, might conceivably be used to describe the entire liberal movement.

There was also the undoubted fact that the «new movements» which the Pope supported — of which the Legion of Christ, with its lay wing Regnum Christi, was one of the mosteffective — were themselves deeply distrusted by those «liberals» who preferred, rather than living lives of holiness and self - denial, to live out their apostolates in the more congenial ways of the national and diocesan bureaucracies, the groves of academe and the haunts of the bienpensant media.

The civil rights movement had coincided with the peak of liberals» confidence in their own ability to manage domestic and international affairs.

His work in founding the communitarian movement in 1977 came not because he thought he had changed but because he thought the United States was abandoning its commitment to families and all the voluntary associations that Tocqueville observed as a defining part of a liberal republic.

On the other hand leaders of the Bible school movement have been developing a theory of liberal arts education with the Bible at its center, and through an accrediting association have moved toward standardization and steady improvement of a program which seeks to synthesize conservative evangelical Christianity with a valid educational ideal.

Polarization took over, and by the time the Democratic Party (with the almost unanimous support of mainline liberal churchpeople) had reformed itself enough to take the presidential nomination from traditional liberals and bestow it on a more radical candidate, the crusade's tactics had doomed the movement to minority status.

But by asserting that flora and fauna» perhaps even geysers and other geographical phenomena» have «rights,» the movement degrades liberal principles arising from the «Laws of Nature and of Nature's God» in the same way that wild inflation devalues the worth of currency.