Much of the current theological
critique of liberal society focuses not so much on democracy as a system of political representation as on liberalism as a form of society that operates, or seeks to operate, without a substantive conception of the good.
Nor is it an act of aggression designed to destroy the «middle ground» Sullivan would like us to agree to occupy as
members of a liberal society.
12 Many have commented upon the boredom or «spiritual malaise» experienced by those who most enjoy the economic
benefits of liberal society.
In fact human rights is the
mantra of liberal society and «the absolutisation of the state is replaced by the absolutisation of the sovereignty of the individual and his rights» (p. 64).
Freedom of religion here serves the
ends of the liberal society, but it is not quite a constraint on the reach and power of that society over its members.
Both of the major camps of social conservative reaction to the challenges of the last few years are right in part: We have always had to struggle against the
inclination of our liberal society to furiously pound itself into what Edmund Burke called «the dust and powder of individuality,» and to resist its elevation of choice above commitment.
The ecumenical social thought in this century has also been in transition from the
context of the liberal society, to the challenge of the socialist society and, then, to the Cold War context, and then to the post-Cold War situation.
The liberal center is now so permeated by the culture of the left that institutions like the Times and the Washington Post (which recently presented Farrakhan's views in a lengthy and respectful format suited to a world - important statesman) are unable to recognize such
enemies of liberal society for what they are.
From that it does not follow that the institutional
praxis of the liberal society is inferior to the institutional praxis of existing Catholic social orders.
I particularly think the idea that it «would strike a fatal blow to one of the basic
freedoms of a liberal society: freedom of association» is overstated.
But his urge to prod the shaky
foundations of liberal society remains, and The Commune is another delve into the dreams, drives and fears that lurk beneath middle - class life.
Both those who have identified with Niebuhrian realism and those who have criticized it have continued to share a commitment to extending in some manner the «benefits»
of liberal society.
(The usual example of the egalitarian / smaller state combination is Japan, but that is a product
neither of liberal society nor liberal economics, but rather a combination of a communitarian society and an interventionist political economy).