Sentences with phrase «of liberal tradition»

We all know these three men would turn in their graves at the idea that the inheritors of the Liberal tradition were supporting this budget.»

«Nick Clegg,» he says icily, «is a betrayal of the Liberal tradition.

Even had Spadaro and Figueroa made their argument well, taking account of the liberal tradition in American Catholicism, they would find themselves in opposition to the tradition of the Church, and to the pope they want to vindicate.

Also he was deeply appreciative of the work of his teacher at Union, Reinhold Niebuhr, and appropriated much of Niebuhr's thought while defending against him some features of the liberal tradition.

It is called «revised» to distinguish it from the co-relational model of liberal tradition.

The founding fathers of the liberal tradition from Hegel to Rousseau understood the feminine as woman's biological nature, lack of political consciousness, emotionality, irrationality, all of which made her a threat to public life and citizenship.

This reading of the liberal tradition is in accord with Wolfe's claim that liberalism is «methodologically individualist.»

Specifically, I will argue that Whitehead's perspective yields an understanding of happiness sufficiently different from the liberal view that Whitehead's thought can be the basis for a transcendence of the liberal tradition.

Not exact matches

Find an explanation of how a proposed Liberal - NDP coalition government could assume power according to Canada's parliamentary tradition.

Restorative punishment, much like other practices of reconciliation, retrieves the distinctive logic of a religious tradition and brings it to bear upon modern liberal democracy.

Many of the great Liberal Protestant teachers of the tradition in the last generation have become disillusioned by the loss of their cherished conceptions of critical inquiry, courtesy, and academic standards.

Within the classical liberal tradition, there is desire for a political system to respect the right to live free from physical force, for a government of limited function in the protection of rights, and for powers to be exercised in accordance with laws objective and universal.

And if we are allowed to pursue our «liberal» studies undistracted by what does not belong to them, we may thank the survival of an ancient tradition of education for our good fortune.

Religion, and Christian communities in particular, can and should, says the author, model the civic culture for which he hopes - a culture that will retrieve and rehabilitate the best of the liberal Enlightenment tradition.

Jaroslav Pelikan (1923 - 2006) was the greatest historian of Christian doctrine since Adolf von Harnack, and he was both more comprehensive and more sympathetic to the tradition he studied than was the great scion of German liberal Protestantism.

As in liberal Protestantism, the Father was Good; the Son, being human, even better and more philanthropic (well, the Jews and Muslims dropped this bit); and keeping God's commands involved less tradition or ritual and more love of our fellow - men, all men being sons of the one Father.

The fact that I attempt, very carefully, to show how a Christian public philosophy needs to take into account the contending views of various Christians» as well as our entire liberal / conservative political tradition» does not weaken my appeal for something more fully, integrally, and distinctively Christian.

As a result the Wesleyan tradition, like most other classical traditions, has had both its fundamentalist and its more liberal wings of interpretation.

For them, tradition is not a living tradition, and an understanding of tradition as a common and personal experience of life in Christ comes under suspicion as too «liberal.»

In my earlier years I had little doubt about not only the moral superiority but also the historical future of the values of the liberal democratic tradition.

The liberal tradition, then, is one of the normative perspectives from which this approach to political science means to be independent.

This view is, I hold, more or less pervasively affirmed, explicitly or implicitly, throughout the liberal tradition, so that its absence would provide good reason to doubt whether the theory in question is a part of that tradition.

Each of the three will denote the good for a human individual.1 Because of its long association with the liberal tradition, «interest» is so often used to mean an individual's private happiness that the phrase «private view of interest» may seem redundant.

Our task was to reformulate our liberal heritage in light of liberation thinking but also with a view to rethinking the relation of Christianity to the natural world and to other religious traditions.

His predominant theme is the rise of a liberal model of civilisation which he traces from Protestantism, with its «rejection of the normative significance of tradition in the field of Christian dogma» (p. 6), followed by the Enlightenment, which placed an absolute value on the individual.

I once spoke with a young woman who was raised in a very liberal mainline tradition who told me she left the church because, «I wasn't learning anything there about tolerance, love, and good stewardship of the planet that I wasn't learning at my public high school, so what was the point?»

In liberal Catholicism, aggiornamentoquite swamped the primary theme of the council itself, which was ressourcement, meaning a vibrant reappropriation of the fullness of the Catholic tradition.

From our analysis here, post-conservative theologians and popular expressions of such in some emergent - type movements, insofar as these still place priority on the experience of the individual and in the present over traditions, are still liberal.

Unitarian Universalism, as a liberal religion, sits in a dynamic tension between our historical roots and traditions, and the freshness and innovation of ongoing revelation.

The point about all these pontifications, I thought at the time, whether over the airwaves or in the print media, either by secular commentators or by the kind of Catholics the liberal media like to give a platform to because their views on the Catholic tradition are so similar to their own (it seemed by the beginning of the conclave that it had all been going on for ever) was — or so I reflected then in my simple way — that this wonderful free - for - all was the only chance for many of them to be heard at all on this subject.

Liberal Christians continue to give the central place in the formation of their thinking to the Bible and the Christian tradition.

Beginning about 1965, the questions of intelligibility and credibility that had dominated the liberal theological agenda and the questions of continuity with the tradition that had dominated the Neo-orthodox one gave way to issues of praxis.

In general, the questions of intelligibility and credibility that had dominated the liberal agenda and the questions of continuity with the tradition that had dominated the Neo-orthodox one gave way to issues of praxis.

In agreement with most nonteleological expressions in the liberal political tradition, this theory affirms that rights articulate a universal or natural moral law; but, against the persisting weight of the modern natural law tradition, the universal right to general emancipation is not bound to the assertion that human rights are independent of any inclusive good.

The moderates, called «liberals» by their opponents, see the conservative resurgence as an ecclesiastical coup d'état, a great power grab engineered by ruthless church politicians who neither understood nor cared about the great watchword of the Baptist tradition: freedom.

If theologians in the liberal «tradition, moreover, resign themselves to privateness, they unwittingly betray the genius of that tradition.

That formulation will be of interest to scholars who worry that the Catholic Church has too easily accommodated itself to the «rights talk» of the liberal - democratic tradition.

The rhetoric of liberal religious leaders, unlike that of their conservative counterparts, has often questioned the value of America's distinctive cultural traditions.

Rather than drawing attention to the distinctiveness of the Judeo - Christian tradition, liberal civil religion is much more likely to include arguments about basic human rights and common human problems.

Yet most of those same observers, when pressed for an opinion as to where the vital juices are flowing in contemporary American religion, will call our attention not only to born - again conservative evangelicalism, but also to movements and tendencies that stand in a direct line of succession to the liberal traditions.

Given all that, it is perhaps surprising that 55 percent of the Protestant congregations we studied — slightly more among conservatives, slightly less among liberals — report that they consider themselves strong standard - bearers of their denominational tradition.

Liberals, on the other hand, aim to increase women's power and expression by working within traditional contexts, rereading, redefining and reclaiming traditions in light of women's reality.

This signals that theological correlation is not always harmonious (much less «liberal»), but covers the full range of logically possible relationships between situation and tradition from nonidentity (or confrontation) through analogy to identity.

Yoder needs to be read in the tradition of liberal Protestantism not only because he helps us recognize the strengths of that tradition, but also because he helps us see why that tradition has come to an end (which accounts for why he remains something of an outcast in mainstream Protestant theology).

The Death of God movement was part of a tradition of liberal Protestantism that sought to turn critics of Christianity into allies who could help midwife a fuller realization of the essence of faith.

The fundamental principle of the market economy within the liberal tradition is its right to private property.

The discussions on rights were within the framework of Western European Capitalism and the liberal democratic tradition.

Lindbeck's «experiential - expressivist» model does a reasonably good job of accounting for the romantic and mystical streams of liberal theology, but it does not account for variants of liberal theology that make gospel - centered claims (such as the tradition of evangelical» liberalism), that base their affirmations on metaphysical arguments (such as the Whiteheadian process school) or that appeal to gospel norms and metaphysical arguments (such as the Boston personalist school).

For the most part, evangelicals joined the Episcopal Church out of an appreciation for its liturgy and tradition, not for its generally liberal approach to sexual ethics and scripture.

It is the tradition at the fountainhead of liberal and democratic freedom.