Sentences with phrase «of living in a democracy»

«I... teach at the Maxwell school, helping prepare the next generation of Americans of the complexity of living in a democracy, and Donald Trump threatens everything I teach my students,» said Balter.

Those are the benefits of living in a democracy, but the personal attacks on the EC Chairperson are uncalled for, and are designed to undermine her credibility and her leadership of the organization.

Engaging in discourse is a foundation of both living in a democracy and learning in a classroom.

The material in these two lessons reminds students of the importance of living in a democracy whose institutions safeguard civil and human rights and whose citizens are capable of making informed judgments, not only on behalf of themselves but on behalf of a larger community.

One of today's ironies is that those of us living in democracies too often look to government and the multilateral system to answer the world's problems instead of taking action ourselves.

Most of us live in democracies, and we can therefore influence national climate policy by making our priorities known.

Not exact matches

Until our country makes a distinction between money and governance, power and business, we will have an unjust society that preys upon itself and the world in the name of freedom, democracy, and the American way of life.»

In recent years, the percentage of people who believe it is «essential» to live in a democracy is falling rapidlIn recent years, the percentage of people who believe it is «essential» to live in a democracy is falling rapidlin a democracy is falling rapidly.

The Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) brings together the governments of countries committed to democracy and the market economy from around the world to support sustainable economic growth, Boost employment, raise living standards, maintain financial stability, assist other countries» economic development, and contribute to growth in world trade.

However, by refusing to submit to «the democracy of the dead,» (Chesterton's words, not Compton's), nineteenth - century Evangelicals did, in ways Compton suggests but does not fully clarify, take a first crucial step toward the idea of a «living Constitution.»

For legal purposes, the Bible is not at all irrelevant, precisely because it is very relevant to a large number of citizens, and we do in fact live in something that somewhat resembles a democracy.

Conservatives were still likely to read quite a few jeremiads, and social - conservatives in particular remained gloomy about a number of topics, but the world - wide spread of democracy and the undeniably higher standards of living attained in the U.S. and its more capitalism - friendly allies made optimism seem the rational stance.

The situation is very bad because politically in Eritrea there is a dictator and they live without any type of freedom or democracy.

The fact is that when we live in a democracy all of us have to go against our beliefs sometimes.

Me to... but... in the grand scheme of things, invading two Islamic countries in a mater of 18 months, completely destroying their way of life and system of government (s), and imposing, or attempting to impose democracy on them, and in the process, being directly and indirectly responsible for the complete breakdown of their fragile societies and the deaths of hundreds of thousands...

Because we live in a democracy, we bear the burden of persuading our fellows of the worth of our claims upon them.

Catholicism and the Renewal of American Democracy by george weigel paulist press, 218 pages, $ 11.95 Forty years ago, Evelyn Waugh wrote a piece for Life magazine entitled «The American Epoch in the Catholic Church.»

Forty - five leading pro-life advocates, including Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council, James Dobson of Focus on the Family, Clarke Forsythe of Americans United for Life, Wanda Franz of the National Right to Life Committee, and Ralph Reed of the Christian Coalition, signed a much heralded joint «Statement of Pro-Life Principle and Concern» published in First Things in 1996 in which the primary legal complaint was made that Roe «wounded American democracy» by removing the issue of abortion from «democratic concern.»

That we should be considered lucky that we live in a government that has a systems of checks and balances between having a democracy while also have means of staving off certain democratic factions against certain minorities.

First of all we need to understand that the country we live in is not a democracy, but a democratic republic, There is a huge difference.

Whatever doubts may exist about the sources of this democracy, there can be none about the chief source of the morality that gives it life and substance... [From the Hebrew tradition, via the Puritans, come] the contract and all its corollaries; the higher law as something more than a «brooding omnipresence in the sky»; the concept of the competent and responsible individual; certain key ingredients of economic individualism; the insistence on a citizenry educated to understand its rights and duties; and the middle - class virtues, that high plateau of moral stability on which, so Americans believe, successful democracy must always build [Seedtime of the Republic (Harcourt, Brace, 1953, p. 55)-RSB-.

Democracy is a way of life in which everybody counts, and not only a privileged few.

When done well which it is most of the time — it links religious and political commitments in a way that enhances democracy, social justice and American religious life.

The «communal tensions» between the groups were «of major importance in the life of the nation,» Herberg added, suggesting that they began non-divisive discussions about the limits of American democracy and allowed all 96 percent of Americans who identified as Protestant, Catholic, or Jew to have some social, political, and cultural recognition in America.

At many points the influence of John Dewey and other pragmatists will be evident, particularly their belief in democracy as a comprehensive way of life, their confidence in the wide relevance of the scientific spirit and methods, and their commitment to education as a moral enterprise.

But he was more interested in the fact that each religion was presumed to possess the same «spiritual values» of «the American Way of Life,» by which he meant a soft - hearted faith in democracy (political, economic, and religious) combined with a more robust faith in idealism, activism, and moral conviction.

The «civil society» as a form of participatory democracy is a framework in which the life, the people and their communities directly participate and multilaterally and multi-dimensionally form solidarity linkages to make creative interventions in the global market process.

Any weakening of the family will accordingly be reflected in the decline of democracy generally, and a widespread belief in the importance and the stability of families will help to sustain democratic ideals in other spheres of life.

In this new democracy of sexual desire the invention of efficient and inexpensive contraceptive devices and of improved drugs for the cure of venereal diseases is regarded as a signal advance toward the goal of the good life, for now it is possible to engage freely and widely in sexual intercourse with little fear of unwanted consequences, in the form of either offspring or infectioIn this new democracy of sexual desire the invention of efficient and inexpensive contraceptive devices and of improved drugs for the cure of venereal diseases is regarded as a signal advance toward the goal of the good life, for now it is possible to engage freely and widely in sexual intercourse with little fear of unwanted consequences, in the form of either offspring or infectioin sexual intercourse with little fear of unwanted consequences, in the form of either offspring or infectioin the form of either offspring or infection.

Robert Bellah «s study of the roots of American democracy led him to conclude that during the nation «s early life «the real school of republican virtue in America... was the church.»

It is represented in our day by liberal arts colleges, the Masons, Rotary, life insurance, Religion in American Life, the Anti-Defamation League, the League of Women Voters, Reader's Digest, the Jaycees, the Pro-Choice Movement, Robert Schuller, the WCTU, Common Cause, savings banks, the Moral Majority, William Buckley, the Institute for Religion and Democracy - and many preachers of the mainline denominatilife insurance, Religion in American Life, the Anti-Defamation League, the League of Women Voters, Reader's Digest, the Jaycees, the Pro-Choice Movement, Robert Schuller, the WCTU, Common Cause, savings banks, the Moral Majority, William Buckley, the Institute for Religion and Democracy - and many preachers of the mainline denominatiLife, the Anti-Defamation League, the League of Women Voters, Reader's Digest, the Jaycees, the Pro-Choice Movement, Robert Schuller, the WCTU, Common Cause, savings banks, the Moral Majority, William Buckley, the Institute for Religion and Democracy - and many preachers of the mainline denominations.

This placing of their very lives in the hands of a strategic elite was like the trust that always had to be granted by democracies to their military leaders, such as in ancient Athens or pre-1950s America; it was unlike it in the sheer immediacy of the new sort of death - threat and the practical impossibility of evading it.

This chapter deals with religion as a particular facet of education in a democracy, but more significant is the fact that all of the preceding chapters set forth a religious point of view by demonstrating what the life of ultimate devotion means in a wide range of human concerns.

One could go on enumerating undemocratic elements in our society — the vast disparity in incomes and living conditions, the myth of equal opportunity for education and employment, the regimentation and militarization of the public mind, the threat to democracy which would ensue if a system of compulsory peacetime military training should be adopted.

In a democracy of worth there is no majority rule, in the sense that the majority completely determine how life will be lived in the societIn a democracy of worth there is no majority rule, in the sense that the majority completely determine how life will be lived in the societin the sense that the majority completely determine how life will be lived in the societin the society.

He should know the laws of his country and pay the price if he chooses to live like he is in a Democracy.

For all the lectures on human rights and democracy coming out of Manila, the brutal fact of Philippine life is that millions of its people are forced to leave their families to do dirty work elsewhere because they have no way to feed their families — this in a strategically located land with an educated, English - speaking workforce and bursting with natural resources.

And in exploring the wide implications of it all, he noted «the risk of an alliance between democracy and ethical relativism, which would remove any sure moral reference point from political and social life, and on a deeper level make the acknowledgement of truth impossible» (VS 101) and warned us, as he had done in an earlier encyclical, that «As history demonstrates, a democracy without values easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism».

The dynamic of fascism, communism, and democracy is in each case related to a faith in which each individual can see his life linked with a significant future.

He guided South Africa through the stormy waters of our first few years of democracy and when he left office he continued in public life, calling the nation to moments and campaigns of charity and conscience.

And it's very unhealthy for democracy when the courts — without clear constitutional warrant — deprive citizens of the opportunity to have a say in setting the conditions under which we live, work, and raise our children.

These rights are the most treasured benefits of living in a free and democratic nation, and they are more than a help; they are foundational principles that promote and protect a healthy democracy.

We shall not achieve it immediately, but we shall strive,» even his slight qualification of optimism gave warning of a radical shift toward a realistic temper.1 Whatever realism there has been in the spirit of democracy, and there has been a great deal, it has generally had superimposed upon it a vision of perfection, and with a notion of man's life as continually moving toward a higher and higher good.

Professor Smith believes that democracy has discovered one of the foundations of human good in what he calls the «legislative way of life.»

As for that erosion, recent data from the World Values Survey tells us that only 30 percent of U.S. millennials (i.e., those born after 1980) think it «essential» to live in a democracy; 24 percent of those same millennials think democracy a «bad» or «very bad» way to run a country; and only 19 percent judge it «illegitimate» for the military to take over when the government is incompetent or failing to do its job.

The confusion of democracy with the Christian ideal of life in America, of racialism and the gospel in Germany, of Western nationalism and church missions in the Orient, testify to the compromise which has taken place.

It will have to lead them towards the «slow and difficult construction» of new habits in the temporal life of nations, supportive of «the soul of democracy,» that is, «the law of brotherly love and the spiritual dignity of the person.»

The resulting confusion is similar to the one that appears in political life when a particular democratic society is made the object of a devotion that genuine democracy extends only to humanity, created free and endowed with natural rights prior to any recognition of these facts.

Rather the Universal Declaration's affirmation of rights to social security, to work, to rest, to an adequate standard of living, and to education are rooted in religious values and in the tenets of social democracy.

Either American democracy is living on social capital inherited from an earlier time when Americans shared a common perspective on life's questions, in which case we face a slow descent into the fragmented and violent world Hauerwas sees; or else the enthusiastic, individualistic and yet genuinely loving piety of Emerson, Whitman and Ellison has a better grasp of our human nature, and it really is possible to be both democratic and virtuous.