Sentences with phrase «of modern conservative»

Republican Congressman Paul Ryan called the American Enterprise Institute «one of the beachheads of the modern conservative movement.»

«At its heart, this plan is about the defining value of the modern Conservative Party: responsibility.

Put another way, the agreement he has signed with the Liberal Democrats could make Cameron the most transformational Tory figure since Robert Peel, the founder of the modern Conservative party.

He added: «If we do not seek to act on it, the idea of a modern Conservative party starts to fray at the edges, and I do not wish my party to gain a reputation for ignoring these key issues.»

Barry Goldwater, the Godfather of the modern conservative movement, voted against the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964.

[125] Burke was affiliated with the Whig Party which eventually became the Liberal Party, but the modern Conservative Party is generally thought to derive from the Tory party and the MPs of the modern conservative party are still frequently referred to as Tories.

The Financial Times's values are closer to those of a modern Conservative party than to any other - that it is to say, a belief in the market economy, a limited role for the state, low taxation and maximum freedom of choice.

The book, to be published by Biteback in October, is the West Dorset MPs take on the central themes and ideas of the modern Conservative party from the time of his old boss Margaret Thatcher to Theresa May's tenure in Number 10.

We speak for the mainstream of the modern Conservative Party in Parliament and in our constituencies, and for the voting public, both in the UK and throughout Europe.

The curve of the modern Conservative Party is therefore a preparatory period of rise from 1847 to 1886, a period of massive supremacy from 1886 to 1964, and a new period of crisis after 1964.

So here we are at the end: of campaign 2008 certainly, and of the modern conservative movement perhaps.

Hence, its more natural that one would see more innovation by those who feel left out of the political system as that was a large part of the development of the machinery / tools of the modern conservative movement.

This image would be an unfair portal of the modern Conservative Party, but politics — like life — isn't always fair.

Crucially, it would also provide her with the ability to talk about her own rise to power — not an easy rise for a woman in politics — and to talk about the changing face of the modern Conservative Party.

Somebody earlier in these comments asked what Jefferson would think of modern conservative Christians.

The single achievement of the modern conservative movement in this country has been to convince millions of weak minded individuals that selfishness, greed, and hatred for those who are less fortunate are good, Christian values.

Frum does not favor banning abortion and his concerns about the state of the modern conservative movement in the United States are well documented.

One of the cornerstones of modern conservative thinking - indeed, of conservative thinking generally - is the critique of utopianism.

It is somewhat ironic that one of the strongest roots of the modern conservative movement in Canada stems from a small group of tenured professors teaching at a publicly funded post-secondary institution.

How it'd be a game about the state of America, and it'd be a critique of modern conservatives, racism, and religious extremism.

Not exact matches

It's incorrect but the charge results from how modern liberals tend to favour government intervention on poverty issues while conservatives focus more on opportunity; the latter just do a lousy job of connecting the dots for the public.

And I'm getting around to the Declaration of Independence: Some conservatives say that what distinguishes America is that ours is the most modern and untraditional or unhinged country.

But if in key respects his philosophy is conservative, his views still bear unmistakable traces of his earlier Marxism — which is perhaps why he has provoked critical comment from neoconservatives (who tend to be more open than paleoconservatives to what MacIntyre calls the «central features of the modern economic order»).

A theory of constitutional law that may be out of fashion in today's legal academy, but that fits comfortably within the modern conservative and the traditional liberal views of the courts, begins with certain basic premises: the existence of law and the possibility of meaningful rules of law.

But there is perhaps a use we might make of the postmodern in apologetics, for the collapse of modernity may allow believers to speak once again about God without defensiveness or self - consciousness, may allow believers both to escape political categorization as liberal or conservative and to escape the modern view that sees political categories as fundamental.

I do find it puzzling, however, to watch theologians, both conservative and liberal, come to the defense of the human, the rational, objectivity, the «text,» «moral values,» science, and all the other conceits the modern university cherishes in the name of «humanism.»

They are an insular people who refuse to be «Westerinzed» and stay away from others (including Conservative and Reformed Jews) They follow ancient and modern rules laid out by Rabbi's who are trying desperately to maintain control of their flock.

Tocquevillian postmodern conservative thought suggests we can't fully understand Rock, nor Disco, until we admit that the fully Modern and fully Democratic age only arrived recently, during the 60s, of course.

The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America: Since 1945 By George H. Nash Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 467 pages, $ 24.95 George Nash knows as much about the intellectual history of modern American conservatism as anybody, and it is a pleasure to have his classic 1976 study again available.

The target is, rather, those forms of broader modern liberalism which have produced certain ways of thinking about faith and the church which can be found in both conservative and in so - called «liberal» churches.

They say that the Islamic state would be a theocratic state dominated by the Mullahs — the conservative religious leaders — and that the shari`a can not be enforced under modern conditions because the very attempt to enforce it would undermine the economic structure of the state based on modern finance and banking.

The conservative reaction to the 17th century rise of experimental methodology and the new thinking that followed has significantly reduced the intelligibility of the Church's proclamation in the modern world.

Within Judaism, there are a number of denominations — Reform, Conservative, Reconstructionist and modern Orthodox, to name some — Who cares?

It is a weird combination of factors that seem to dictate the conscience of the modern, conservative Christian.

Please note that the review article was a summary of the New Torah for Modern Minds written and published by 1.5 million Conservative Jews and their rabbis so your culture and its myths are well known.

Conservatives (who are often early modern liberals in outlook and temperament) sometimes look fondly at the purifying effects of «severe struggle,» substituting economic for natural battle.

Assuming these traits are fundamental to the American political mind, most political theorists see this as reflecting the classical liberal mind — distinct from the «modern liberal» view which accepts the legitimacy of the welfare state — not a conservative mind.

So, in other words, if modern day preachers and Christians cuss or use vulgar terms only to get a rise out of conservatives, they aren't prophetic, they're simply immature.

Here, if anywhere, the conservative Christian must surely balk and simply assert the utter contradiction of the Christian faith to modern methods of understanding.

In my view, no thinker better highlights the necessity or dignity of intermediary associations (a conservative theme par excellence) nor provides a deeper account of the dependence of modern liberal democracy upon the «moral capital» of premodern times.

Of course modern conservative «Christians» can square Rand with Christianity — they've already ditched all the incompatible bits, especially all the crap that dirty hippie said about loving others.

But that objection to historicist conservatism was raised, as Muller notes, by Leo Strauss, certainly a conservative thinker, at least in the sense that classical political philosophy is a major source of modern conservatism.

Better than any other conservative theorist, Tocqueville appreciated both the comparative justice of modern democracy as well as the threat it poses to the higher excellences of human nature.

«2 The diversity which Henry, as one of modern evangelicalism's founders, laments has been noted more positively by Richard Quebedeaux in his book The Young Evangelicals - Revolution in Orthodoxy.3 In this book Quebedeaux offers a typology for the conservative wing of the Protestant church, differentiating Separatist Fundamentalism (Bob Jones University, Carl McIntire) from Open Fundamentalism (Biola College, Hal Lindsey), Establishment Evangelicalism (Christianity Today, Billy Graham) from the New Evangelicalism (Fuller Theological Seminary, Mark Hatfield), and all of these from the Charismatic Movement which cuts into orthodox, as well as ecumenical liberal and Roman Catholic constituencies.

The dead - ends of both Medieval sacralism and Modern secularism indicate, I believe, the radical contradiction which liberation theologies pose to both conservative and liberal theologies (and their many «neo» varieties).

Though long «since canonized as one of the fathers of modern conservatism, in large part because of his influential 1953 book The Conservative Mind, Kirk (who died in 1994) fits awkwardly with the other men identified as the founders of that movement.

So here's a smart and uncritical (and therefore great) review of MODERN AND AMERICAN DIGNITY by the postmodern conservative Richard Reinsch.

They fondly recall Lyndon Johnson's inauguration of the modern welfare state, often bitterly denouncing conservative resistance, arguing that our present political distempers flow from our failure to expand the scope and reach of the welfare state.

In most of the denominations there is still a considerable number of biblical literalists (self - styled conservatives but called fundamentalists by others) who refuse to accept the views of modern historical and textual scholarship as to the true meanings of the Bible.

It's certainly more in line with a lot of modern liberal thought than modern conservative thought.